If Dan Chapter I is historical, Daniel was a high officer of Nebuchadnezzar before the Jerusalem's fall, not simply as a result

by kepler 4 Replies latest watchtower bible

  • kepler
    kepler

    If the first chapters of Daniel are historical, then Daniel became and reigned as Babylon’s governor before and during the desolation of of Judah or Judea. If that is the case, then we can go back to looking at him as another of those pamphlet illustration figures, right? Bearded, cone-capped, staring out at us with blazing eyes holding a writing instruments and scrolls, prophecies written in concert about an understood over-riding plan...

    Maybe. But there are still complications and serious implications. Depending on which set of circumstances you think is counter factual, it will make a difference how you take what follows.

    The famous “Song of the Exiles”, Psalm 137:1-9, no doubt of very late origin reads in part :

    [1] By the rivers of Babylon we sat and wept…

    [7] Remember, Yahweh, to the Edomites cost, the day of Jerusalem, how they said, “Down with it! Raise it to the ground!”

    [8] Daughter of Babel, doomed to destruction, a blessing on anyone who treats you as you treated us…

    I’ll leave the last line to recollection or look up. Safe to say, this Psalm represents deep bitterness; if toward Edomites, toward any Babylonian allies or agents. The day of Jerusalem was either the fall when the Neo-Babylonians breached the walls ( 9 th day of the 4 th month June-July, 587) or the day of the month when the temple was burned down (10 th day of the 5 th month – same year). I don’t mean to debate here of 587 vs. 606; because for several other dates I wish to draw from secular sources and apply some dating consistency since this discussion relies on assertions at the beginning of chapters 1 and 2 in Daniel. It is stated:

    Dan 1:1: In the third year of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah, Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon marched on Jerusalem and besieged it. The Lord let Jehoiakim king of Judah fall into his power, as well as some of the vessels belonging to the Temple of God….

    [3] From the Israelites, the king ordered Ashpenaz, his chief eunuch, to bring a certain number of boys of royal or noble descent. .. suitable for service at the royal court. …They were to receive an education lasting three years, after which they would enter into royal service…

    Daniel 2:1 In the second year of his reign, Nebuchadnezzar had a series of dreams, he was perturbed by this and sleep deserted him. … [13] On publication of the decree to have the sages killed, search was made for Daniel and his companions to have them put to death.

    Jehoiakim reign: 609 to 598 Nebuchadnezzar: 605-562

    Among Assyrianologists, D. J. Wiseman is probably most sympathetic to the historicity of this opening among the problems which he addresses [D. J. Wiseman, “Some Historical Problems in the Book of Daniel,” D. J. Wiseman, ed., Notes on Some Problems in the Book of Daniel. London: The Tyndale Press, 1965. pp. 9-18.]. Other issues discussed in these 9 pages, were touched on as well in another recent topic [“Has anyone read Thucydides beside the author of Daniel?’] started a month ago. In fact, speaking as an advocate for the late [2 nd century BC] composition for Daniel (and I should emphasize that!), I can say that a lot of pro and con arguments were presented. Some of either nature I was not previously aware of and I believe are worth further thought. But for now, stand by for, despite assumption of historicity, stand by for some more critique.

    In the case of Daniel 1:1, other than the book itself there is no explicit reference to siege of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar in 605 BC based on the chronology relative to reigning kings. The Babylonian Chronicle gives Nebuchadnezzar’s first siege of Jerusalem in 597 BC in his 7 th year and Jehoiakim’s 11th. Nonetheless, according to Wisemen (implicit):
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    the Babylonian Chronicle which, although not giving the date of the departure of the Babylonian army in 605 BC for Carchemish, shows that it did not return from a prior campaign until Shebat (January-February) 605 BC.50 The battle of Carchemish, which opened up the road across the Euphrates, is dated between Nisan (April) and Ab (August) 605 BC by the same Chronicle and is most likely to have taken place in May-June of that year.51[a reference]

    With the precise information available from the Babylonian Chronicle it is clear that the Babylonians defeated the Egyptians at Carchemish and, overtaking a part of the army which had retreated to Hamath, continued to pursue stragglers ‘so that not a single man escaped to his own country’. The Babylonians overran the country from the Euphrates to the brook of Egypt (2 Ki. 24:7), though Josephus expressly adds ‘excepting Judea’.52 The Babylonian Chronicle claims that ‘at that time Nebuchadnezzar conquered the whole of the Hatti-land’ (i.e. Syria-Palestine).53 If, as has been suggested, Daniel is here using the Babylonian system of dating (postdating, allowing for separate ‘accession’ year) while Jeremiah (25:49; 46:2) follows the usual Palestinian-Jewish antedating (which ignores ‘accession-years’), 54 there is no discrepancy. On the other hand, it has been argued that in Jeremiah 25:1 ‘the first year’ … may be interpreted as ‘the beginning year’ (i.e. accession) of Nebuchadrezzar and therefore in agreement with Jeremiah 46:2. 55 Whichever solution is accepted there remains the question of the siege of Jerusalem in this year, an event unattested in the Chronicle. It could be argued that since [p.18] the Babylonian Chronicle recording the events of 605 BC is primarily concerned with the major defeat of the Egyptians, a successful incursion into Judah by the Babylonian army group which returned from the Egyptian border could be included in the claim that at that time Nebuchadrezzar conquered ‘all Hatti’. If so, Daniel 1:1 would imply that the Babylonian king was himself present. This is not improbable since the energy of the young king in leading his troops is attested frequently in the Chronicle.56

    The argument against a specific Babylonian siege rests on silence just as must, at present, any defence of it. It is not impossible that the phrase ‘and besieged it’ (wayya„s£or `a„leha„) could here have the meaning ‘and cut it off’ or even ‘showed hostility towards it’.57 The extant historical data does not allow any dogmatic assertion against the historical accuracy of this verse.

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    Very well. Then if we accept all this to be true and that a certain Daniel was among those entered into Babylonian service circa 605 BC with graduation set for 602, we find that almost immediately he and his three colleagues set off for fast track advancement in the Neo-Babylonian power structure.

    According to the account, after the 2nd year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Daniel has elicited a statement of faith from Nebuchadnezzar and the king made him “governor of the whole province of Babylon and head of all sages of Babylon”. At Daniel’s request, the king entrusted the affairs of the province of Babylon to Shadrach, Meshach and Abed-Nego. "Daniel himself remained in attendance on the king.” That’s handing over a lot of power to a group of kids who were supposed to have been hostages – and then rather inconsistent with what he will be doing over the next 2 decades. Then Dan 3 is an episode in which Daniel’s three friends face burning for not falling down before a golden idol. They are saved by miraculous intervention.

    Aside from the issue of origin or historicity of Dan 2, it is noted that the earliest versions of this book include chapters written in Aramaic and subsequently translated into Hebrew. In Dan 2 and 4, the Old Persian word “raz” for “secret” appears in the Hebrew text (and in no other Biblical book); and in Dan 3, the announcement about adoration of the golden idol is addressed to both governors and “satraps”, another term from the Persian era. It is also curious that Nebuchadnezzar should consider Babylon as a province rather than the capital region, but let us digress no further on that.

    Why Daniel should write of his youth in Aramaic in the third person using Persian terms and then switch to Hebrew in later chapters in the first person, as some would suggest, I cannot imagine, but there still remains an ounce or more of basis for the stories of Daniel whenever they were recorded or how. So let us continue.

    If Daniel arrived in Babylon in circa 605 BC, for many, myself included, his arrival in Babylon is confused with the FALL of Jerusalem in 587. It is not explicitly stated in Dan 1 as 605 -But if the chronology of kings is taken into consideration with the conventional historical interpretation, Daniel as described, arrives and comes to power in Babylon many years BEFORE Jerusalem is destroyed. While Daniel’s unwillingness to breech dietary laws is consistent with Jewish opposition to enforced Hellenization during Antiochus Epiphanes reign in the 160s BC, as is opposition to idolatry as well, concessions considered apostasy, the book of Daniel completely sidesteps Daniel’s role as a high servant of Nebuchadnezzar in the midst of his two campaigns against Judah, the second ending with its complete “desolation”. Instead, we have a picture of a high officer of Babylon who later serves its next conquerors. That Ezekiel might speak derisively of the besieged King of Tyre [Ez 28:5 "So you are wiser than Daniel ["or Danel" in some translations] ] seems strange when this siege commences with the fall of Jerusalem and Daniel is serving the agent of both military campaigns. Ezekiel's wrath is for Tyre's betrayal of Jerusalem under siege.

    For some he reason elects not to return home.

    In the OT there are some characters who had somewhat similar roles to play. Esther pleads for her people’s safety before her husband the Persian King. But in the case of Esther, mass slaughter of her people is prevented, if not their enemies. In contrast to Esther Daniel did not do very well. The entire kingdom is disposed of by Nebuchadnezzar whom Daniel supposedly convinced that his God was the God of gods in two instances and two chapters. But owing to the circumstances of his arrival as in Babylon as a hypothetical hostage, with Judah in revolt in 597 and 587, it is a wonder he and any other hostages reputedly taken in 605 were not executed. Nehemiah and Ezra, who can be considered as agents of the Persian monarchy, figure in the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the Temple . But strangely, considering the number of recorded revolts to Persian rule - in Egypt, Ionian Greece, the Mediterranean islands, the Far East, the city of Babylon - not a single one is recorded in the land where Davidic rule was terminated. The Judeans must have liked being part of the Persian Empire. From all indications, a couple of centuries respite.

    In recent times (WWII) it is difficult to find an exact analog to the role which Daniel had taken on, should this all be true. In Vichy, France, Marshall Petain ruled in behalf of the German Reich, but was not groomed from adolescence for such duty; quite the contrary. At the war’s end, when he returned to France from Germany via Switzerland, he was tried for treason and sentenced to death, the sentence commuted to life imprisonment where he died in 1951. When the Soviets helped Germany divide Poland in 1939, and when they executed the captured Polish officer corps at Katyn Forest the following year, they also retained certain promising hostages to train as communist leaders for a future Polish communist state – and their fate since is not quite as clear. But it was not the Soviet but the German army that was directed to lay Poland desolate. In this 20th century company, if we take the historical timeline for Daniel as quite literal, the unwritten part of the book concerns his role as a Babylonian collaborator - which brings us back to Psalms 137. Would he be regarded any better than the Edomites by contemporaries?

    Among the Gentiles who would insist over present day TaNaKh construction that Daniel was a prophet, the first century AD Pharisee historian Josephus is often cited. Josephus before the Judean war of 66-70 had connections in Nero’s court, but he was engaged in defense of the fortress Jopata before capture by Vespasian. By his account he claimed that he prophesied the Roman general would one day be emperor and so Vespasian spared him. With Vespasian’s son Titus, also bound for the throne, he observed and recorded the siege of Jerusalem - on the Roman side. Josephus might have had a strong affinity for Daniel after all.

    Not having faced the brutal choices of Josephus, Marshall Petain or Daniel, I would not wish to judge them. But their compromise would dampen my desire to build statues in their memory or base my religious principles on their exploits. So which is better: Daniel the figure of a book that is a cycle of parables or Daniel the valued minister of Nebuchadnezzar during the destruction of Jerusalem?

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    Interesting post. I have a very different perspective on Daniel 1, informed by an analysis of the sources behind this text. Rather than taking Daniel 1:1-2 as a straightforward account reporting a supposed siege of Jerusalem in 605-604 BC (associated with the campaign resulting in the Battle of Carchemish), I regard the story as a conflation between (1) the invasion mentioned in 2 Kings 24:1-2 that occurred later in Jehoiakim's reign and (2) the siege of 597 BC that occurred at the end of Jehoiachin's reign as described in 2 Kings 24:10-16. It was this latter siege that carried off "the treasures of the Temple of Yahweh and the treasures of the royal palace," as well as "all the nobles and all the notables," which corresponds exactly to "the royal seed and the nobility" in Daniel 1:3. This conflation probably occurred on the account of the similarity between the names (Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin), and the earliest evidence of it can be found in the work of the Chronicler (fourth century BC), who duplicated the exile of Jehoiachin into an earlier exile of Jehoiakim. When we examine the intertexts of Daniel 1:1-2, we can see that the author has skillfully woven together statements about both Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin from the Dueteronomistic History, the Chronicler, Ezra, and Jeremiah. Nearly every word is accounted for:

    2 Kings 24:1: "In his days Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came up (`lh) and Jehoiakim became his servant for three years (shlsh shnym), then he turned and rebelled against him".

    2 Kings 24:11-14: "Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon marched on the city (yb' `l h-`yr) and his servants besieged it (tsrym `lyh). And Jehoiachin king of Judah went out (yts') to the king of Babylon, with his mother and his servants and his princes and his officers, and the king of Babylon took him in the eighth year of his reign. And he brought (ywts') all the treasures ('wtsrwt) of the House of Yahweh (byt yhwh), and the treasures ('wtsrwt) of the king's house, and cut in pieces all the gold vessels (kly hzhb), and he deported with him all the citizens of Jerusalem, and all the princes and nobles".

    2 Chronicles 36:6-7: "Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon had attacked him [Jehoiakim], loaded him up with chains and took him (hlykw) to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar also carried off (hby') the vessels of the House of Yahweh (m-kly byt yhwh) to Babylon and placed them (ytnm) in his temple (b-hklw) in Babylon".

    Ezra 1:7: "And Cyrus the king brought forth the vessels of the House of Yahweh (kly byt yhwh) which Nebuchadnezzar had brought (hwtsy') from Jerusalem and placed (ytnm) in the house of his god (b-byt 'lhyw)".

    Jeremiah 20:4-5: "All of Judah I will place into the hand ('tn b-yd) of the king of Babylon ... and all the treasures ('wtsrwt) of the kings of Judah will I place into the hand ('tn b-yd) of their enemies, who shall plunder them, and take them, and carry them off (hby'wm) to Babylon".

    Daniel 1:1-2: "In the third year (shnt shlwsh) of the reign of Jehoiakim king of Judah, Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon marched on Jerusalem (b' yrwshlm) and besieged it (ytsr `lyh). The Lord placed (ytn) Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hands (b-ydw), with part of the vessels of the House of God (kly byt h-'lhym). He carried them off (yby'm) to the land of Shinar to the house of his god (byt 'lhyw), and he carried off (hby') the vessels (h-klym) to the treasury house of his god (byt 'wtsr 'lhyw)".

    In brief, (1) the datum about Nebuchadnezzar coming in the "third year" of Jehoiakim corresponds in part to 2 Kings 24:1, (2) the part about "Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon came to Jerusalem and besieged it" reflects the wording in 2 Kings 24:11, (3) the part about God "delivering Jehoiakim into his hand" has its source in Jeremiah 20:4, (4) the part about "the vesesls of the house of God" reflects the wording in Ezra 1:7 (and has other parallels in 2 Kings and 2 Chronicles), (5) the part about Nebuchadnezzar "carrying them off to the land of Shinar" reflects Jeremiah 20:5 (and by' "carry off" is paired with kly "vessels" in 2 Chronicles 36:5-7), (6) the deposit of the treasures in "the house of his god" reflects the language in Ezra 1:7 (with a lesser parallel in 2 Chronicles 36:7), and (7) the bringing of the furnishings to the "treasury ('wtsr) ... of his god" reflects the wording in Ezra 1:7 and 2 Chronicles 36:7 with the reference to looted 'wtsrwt "treasures" reflecting 2 Kings 24 and Jeremiah 20:5. The literary evidence thus indicates that the story is based on material referring to both Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin.

    The Chronicler's report on the exiling of Jehoiakim however cannot be historical. First of all, 2 Kings 24 knows nothing of a deportation of Jehoiakim and even claims that he died in peace and "slept with his fathers" (v. 6). Second, the text in 2 Chronicles was later glossed by a scribe (at 2 Chronicles 36:8 LXX) to indicate that Jehoiakim was in fact buried in the Garden of Uzzah in Jerusalem; this indicates that the burial place of Jehoiakim was well-known to Palestinian Jews of the Second Temple period. Jeremiah knows nothing about the king's exile, and its author prophesied in Jeremiah 22:19, 36:30 that Jehoiakim would die in disgrace in Jerusalem and have his dead body dragged out of the gates of the city. The author wrote well into Zedekiah's reign and did not correct this prophecy if indeed Jehoiakim's reign had come to an end differently. Moreover Jeremiah 52 listed only three deportations; none of them occurred as early as the reign of Jehoiakim and the first listed (v. 28) was the siege that took Jehoiachin (Jehoiakim's successor) into captivity. And if the nobility had already been taken into captivity in the reign of Jehoiakim, then how could they again be exiled during the reign of Jehoiachin? These difficulties disappear when we realize that the story of a siege ending in the deportation of Jehoachin and the nation's nobility (which is clearly historical) became garbled into a (fictional) tradition about an earlier siege that ended in the exile of Jehoiakim and the nation's nobility, and the Chronicler dutifully reported the latter in his revision of the Deuteronomistic History, which then the author of the Hebrew apocalypse of Daniel later utilized as the setting for his story in ch. 1.

    The confusion between the two kings is well-attested in the post-exilic period beyond what is found in the Chronicler and Daniel. In the LXX translation of 2 Kings 23-24, Ióakeim (Jehoiakim) is the name given to both kings, including the later Jehoiachin who was exiled. 1 Esdras (written in the second century BC) states that "Jeconiah son of Josiah" succeeded Josiah as king (1:34-35), whereas Josiah's successor was actually Jehoahaz (2 Chronicles 36:1-2). The basis of the confusion seems to be that both Jehoahaz and Jehoiachin ruled for 3 months each before being taken captive (the former by the king of Egypt, the latter by the king of Babylon). But since Jeconiah (= Jehoiachin) was actually the son of Jehoiakim, and it was Jehoiakim who was the son of Josiah, the author of 1 Esdras here confuses Jehoiachin with Jehoiakim as well. The genealogy in Matthew 1:11-12 similarly names Iekhonias (= Jechoniah) as the son of Josiah as well as the father of Shealtiel; this conflates Jehoiakim with Jehoiachin, since it was Jehoiakim who was a son of Josiah (2 Kings 23:24) and it was Jehoiachin who was the father of Shealtiel (1 Chronicles 3:17). The Jewish historian Eupolemus (second century BC) also combined the two kings into a single figure with the name Ionakhim (a garbling of Jeconiah and Jehoiakim). The later Christian writer Hippolytus also confused the two Judean kings, naming both of them "Jehoiakim" and identifying the one released by Evil-Merodach as the Jehoiakim who was appointed by Pharaoh Nechoh (Commentarium in Danielem, 1); in reality, it was Jehoiakim who was installed by Nechoh and Jehoiachin who was released by Evil-Merodach. Josephus (Antiquitates 10.6.3) tried his best to harmonize the contradictory material in the DH, Jeremiah, Chronicles, and Daniel. He claimed that the siege of Jerusalem occurred at the end of Jehoiakim's reign (cf. 2 Kings 24:1-2) and had Nebuchadnezzar order Jehoiakim's body be thrown outside the walls of Jerusalem (thereby fulfilling Jeremiah, setting aside the contrary claim in 2 Chronicles) before appointing "his son Jehoiachin king of the country and the city". He also claims that the prophet Ezekiel was taken prisoner on account of this siege, i.e. at the beginning of Jehoiachin's reign instead of at the reign's end. But since Jehoiachin's reign was only three months, Josephus conjectures that Nebuchadnezzar's siege of Jehoiachin was basically a continuation of the same siege that started in Jehoiakim's reign.

    Anyway, in short, I don't think there was any historical siege of Jerusalem in 605/4 BC. The author of ch. 1 of Daniel is drawing on traditions concerning the siege of 597 BC and the exiling of Jehoiachin, but these traditions have bifurcated into stories of two separate sieges involving the exiling of two different Jewish kings, Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin. Daniel belongs to the stream of Second Temple literature (starting with the Chronicler) that confuses the two kings together.

  • soft+gentle
    soft+gentle

    great detective work Leolaia.

    I have been puzzling over your take on history too kepler. History often meant recounting what was plausible and relevant during the time in question - at least amongst those who frequented the library at Alexandria. A signficant part of this process was to draw from traditional stories (to make is-toria) Is this the line you are taking by bringing Thucydides into the equation?

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    I'm afraid I missed the earlier thread....I will have to take a look at it and maybe weigh in....it sounds like a lot of interesting stuff was discussed in it.

    Just to quickly address a few more points:

    The famous “Song of the Exiles”, Psalm 137:1-9, no doubt of very late origin .... represents deep bitterness; if toward Edomites, toward any Babylonian allies or agents.

    According to the most authoritative work on the literature of the exilic period (Israel in Exile by Rainer Albertz, 2003), the evidence best points to a date of the psalm in the late exilic period, between 550 and 539 BC. "At this late date, the author of Ps 137 addresses a specific temptation facing the Babylonian golah: the conflict between a sorrowful but slowly fading nostalgia for Jerusalem and the urge to find a place in the advanced riverine civilization of Babylonia ("the rivers of Babylon"). Faced with this conflict, the author, a descendant of former temple musicians, pleads to reject assimilation" (p. 159), "The psychological problems are evident from Ps 137: the social wistful homesickness for Jerusalem was threatening to disappear and had to be kept alive by self-imprecations not to forget Jerusalem (137:1-6). There was also a depressing sense of helplessness, of inability to influence the course of political acts, which exploded in a violent desire for vengeance on the victorious Babylonians and their opportunistic Edomite allies (137:7-9)" (p. 104).

    In this light, Psalm 137 represents one viewpoint and political stance among the exiled Jews, an anti-assimilationist stand. This conflict between the traditionalists and the assimilationists continued in the post-exilic period, as can be witnessed in Ezra's hardline position against assimilation and mixed marriage with Edomites and Ammonites. The book of Daniel, looking back upon the exilic period from a much later era, depicts the exilic figure of Daniel as something of an assimilationist. Some boundaries are kept: Daniel refuses idolatry and he refuses the eat the royal food. But he readily accepts a pagan name, education in the Babylonian mantic arts, and a prominent position in Neo-Babylonian government. Although the stories are didactic and more fictional than historical, they do represent the experiences of some Jews in the Babylonian golah who adapted to life in Mesopotamia. So for some there was deep bitterness, while for others the attitude was quite different. We similarly find a multiplicity of different stances in the late pre-exilic period towards the threat of Babylon, as can be seen in Jeremiah. Some wanted to build alliances with the Edomites and other surrounding nations, some wanted to resist the Babylonian yoke, while others wanted the king to submit to Babylon. The nationalists scorned by Jeremiah turned out to be the losers of history, and these were most likely to be bitter anti-assimilationists in the golah. Jeremiah recognized Nebuchadnezzar as Yahweh's agent, he strongly opposed the nationalists, and he urged those exiled in 597 BC to accept their lot and set down roots in Babylonia for the time being. He viewed the Babylonian conquest of Judea as the just divine punishment his people deserved. The viewpoint in the Aramaic apocalyse of Daniel is very similar.

    Then if we accept all this to be true and that a certain Daniel was among those entered into Babylonian service circa 605 BC with graduation set for 602, we find that almost immediately he and his three colleagues set off for fast track advancement in the Neo-Babylonian power structure.

    Unrealistic, of course, but it is a didactic tale, so the advancement comes through divine blessing.

    According to the account, after the 2nd year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign, Daniel has elicited a statement of faith from Nebuchadnezzar and the king made him “governor of the whole province of Babylon and head of all sages of Babylon”. At Daniel’s request, the king entrusted the affairs of the province of Babylon to Shadrach, Meshach and Abed-Nego. "Daniel himself remained in attendance on the king.” That’s handing over a lot of power to a group of kids who were supposed to have been hostages – and then rather inconsistent with what he will be doing over the next 2 decades. Then Dan 3 is an episode in which Daniel’s three friends face burning for not falling down before a golden idol. They are saved by miraculous intervention.

    It is noteworthy that in ch. 1, Daniel and his companions excelled all the sages of Babylon in dream interpretation and other mantic arts and they were all promoted to the king's service, but then in ch. 2 the king fails to consult them when he needed a dream interpreted, and only after he ordered all the sages executed does he learn of the existence of Daniel who is introduced rather anonymously as "a man from the exiles of Judah" (2:25), not as someone Nebuchadnezzar already knew. This, of course, is one indication that the court tales in the first half of Daniel have separate orgins. One may similarly observe that Daniel is inexplicably missing in ch. 3; this story became included in the Danielic corpus on account of the association elsewhere between Daniel and the three other men.

    Aside from the issue of origin or historicity of Dan 2, it is noted that the earliest versions of this book include chapters written in Aramaic and subsequently translated into Hebrew.

    The Hebrew portions of Daniel (ch. 1, the first few verses of ch. 2, ch. 8-12) were either written originally in Aramaic and translated into Hebrew or were written in Hebrew by someone who spoke Aramaic as a first language and did not have fluent command of Hebrew. I lean toward the latter view. What I think is the most probable theory of the redaction of Daniel is that the earliest edition was an Aramaic apocalypse consisting of ch. 2-7 (although prior to this ch. 4-6 may have already existed as a pre-existing unit, as the LXX suggests), with a clear-cut chiasmatic structure that had the succession narrative in ch. 4-5 as the core, the two persecution/deliverance tales in ch. 3 and 6 forming an inner layer, and the two dream interpretation apocalypses in ch. 2 and 7 forming the outer layer. To this was later added a Hebrew apocalypse. Chapter 8 gives a pesher interpretation of ch. 7, and ch. 9 expounds further on the time elements of ch. 8. Then ch. 10-12 gives an extended vision that parallels the earlier surveys of history in ch. 7, 8, and 9. The book was completed with the addition of ch. 1, which gives a back-story of how Daniel and his companions were exiled and trained in the mantic arts. This altered the original beginning of the book and so the first few verses of ch. 2 were rewritten (in Hebrew) with the linguistic shift from Hebrew to Aramaic occurring rather awkwardly at 2:4.

    It is also curious that Nebuchadnezzar should consider Babylon as a province rather than the capital region

    Makes perfect sense when one considers that the book was written at a time when Babylon was indeed a province.

    Why Daniel should write of his youth in Aramaic in the third person using Persian terms and then switch to Hebrew in later chapters in the first person, as some would suggest, I cannot imagine

    The reason for this is straightforward in the composition analysis given above. In the original Aramaic apocalypse, the concluding chapter (ch. 7) concerns Daniel's own dream vision and it is related in the first person in exactly the same way that Nebuchadnezzar in ch. 4 relates his own dream vision in the first person ("I, Nebuchadnezzar, was at ease in my house, at leisure in my palace," 4:1). The author of the Hebrew apocalypse appended the Aramaic book with his own material in ch. 8-12, ostensibly from Daniel himself, and so continued the conceit of the first person viewpoint from ch. 7. The tale that opens the book in ch. 1 however was written in the third person in order to make it fit with the other tales in the first half of the book.

    That Ezekiel might speak derisively of the besieged King of Tyre [Ez 28:5 "So you are wiser than Daniel ["or Danel" in some translations] ] seems strange when this siege commences with the fall of Jerusalem and Daniel is serving the agent of both military campaigns. Ezekiel's wrath is for Tyre's betrayal of Jerusalem under siege.

    The "Danel" (dn'l) mentioned in Ezekiel 14, 28 is an entirely different figure from the "Daniel" (dny'l) of the book of Daniel. He is certainly a figure from distant antiquity for the prophet Ezekiel, as he is grouped with Noah and Job, and the reference to him being unable to save his son or daughter (cf. Noah saving his children via the ark, and Job losing his children on account of the satan) makes no sense with respect to the character of Daniel in Daniel, who was exiled as a youth and who probably was presumed to be a eunuch (as Josephus surmised). The reference is probably to the Canaanite legend concerning the wise judge Danel whose only son Aqhat (= Actaeon in Greek mythology) was murdered by animal henchmen of the war/hunter goddess Anat (= Artemis). The only account of this myth is missing its ending, so it is unknown whether Aqhat was rescued from death, but Danel does take actions prior to the break in the narrative that might have led to Aqhat's retrieval from the underworld. Since the king of Tyre was acquainted with a form of Canaanite mythology similar to that of Israel and Ugarit, Ezekiel's reference to Danel may have invoked a similar myth known to Phoenician king.

    Nehemiah and Ezra, who can be considered as agents of the Persian monarchy, figure in the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the Temple . But strangely, considering the number of recorded revolts to Persian rule - in Egypt, Ionian Greece, the Mediterranean islands, the Far East, the city of Babylon - not a single one is recorded in the land where Davidic rule was terminated. The Judeans must have liked being part of the Persian Empire. From all indications, a couple of centuries respite.

    There is a good deal of evidence that there was movement towards a nationalist revolt in c. 520-519 BC with hopes pinned on Zerubbabel to restore the Davidic dynasty (see especially the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah), but it was quashed before it could get underway. Albertz speculates that Haggai and Zechariah were "gotten rid of", as none of their prophecies date to a time after the dedication of the Second Temple, and Zerubbabel was demoted with only the (non-Davidic) high priest undergoing coronation thereafter. Albertz also shows that there were many other competing interests in the Yehud than the Davidic nationalists and other groups (such as the priests and the scribes) took the opportunity to develop their own local power structures. As they had previously been in conflict with the Davidides, it was in their own interest to maintain the status quo. And it was the experience of the exile itself that convinced the Jews to not repeat the same mistake as the pre-exilic Davidic dynasty, lest they suffer the same fate. The popularity of the prophecies of Jeremiah, who urged compromise and submission to the foreign yoke, in this period attests to this. It was not until the Maccabean crisis when nationalist fervor erupted to the point that allowed the Jews to re-establish their own independent (non-Davidic) nation-state. The Hebrew apocalypse of Daniel, written in the midst of this crisis, took a quietistic stance and viewed the Maccabean nationalists skeptically ("a little help"), decrying those who think they could hasten the fulfillment of visions through their own nationalist violence. Similarly, the stone that crushes the statue in ch. 2 is "not carved by human hand"; the kingdom of heaven comes by the will of God, not the nationalist fervor of "man".

  • kepler
    kepler

    Leolaia, soft+gentle,…

    Sorry about the delay on response. I thought I had better print out the subsequent discussion so as not to confuse points that were made; after all, Jehoiakim vs. Jehoiachin, etc. Leolaia, were you waiting for this one? Sounds like you corrected this term paper before.

    To pick this discussion back up, I will refer back to D. J. Wiseman’s article. When Wiseman reviewed vearious arguments against the “historicity” of various verses or events in Daniel, he repeatedly spoke in Daniel’s behalf with the introductory proviso “it is not impossible that…” including the case for a very early raid on Jerusalem (605 BC) by King Nebuchadnezzar. Another way of saying “it is not impossible” is that “the possibility or likelihood of this is not necessarily exactly zero”. But when the overall story’s message is asserted a priori to be exactly as told and fully accurate, then all of those “it is not impossible” expressions are factored together for an even lower probability.

    But aside from what looks very unlikely, what of any of the rest is true? A great deal or very little? The story must have come from somewhere. So is it possible to make a couple of editorial corrections that would set things back on course?

    If we correct Daniel 1:1 to Jehoiakin from Jehoiakim, to say the least, this is not a very auspicious beginning - the very first line of this contested book to be considered untrue. But that alone will not solve problems arising with Daniel 2:1, because it results in Daniel and his friends commencing their Neo-Babylonian studies in Babylon many years before they arrive. So it won’t be “the second year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign” after all, unless the king waited decades to punish the ignorant about dream interpretation. While we are at it, there in Daniel 3 are these references to governors AND satraps at the ceremonies. Are we sure we don’t want to move this event into the Persian period?

    Three chapters and we encounter contradictory requirements to make them all make sense.

    In the earlier topic connecting Daniel and Thucydides, my arguments were largely in support of a late writing of Daniel based on the reading that 2 nd century events were accurately described despite the veil of prophecy and the view that earlier Mesopotamian descriptions ( Babylonian and Persian monarch chronologies and geneaologies) were outliers when compared with other sources. But the Thucydides connection was, as far as I know, a new variation on that argument. Where others have maintained that Darius the Mede was “unknown to history”, I found his deeds and domain described many times by Thucydides. He calls the Persians the Medes 50 times, including the forces defeated at Matathon in 490 BC. Now who was in charge?

    According to Thucydides, I would guess Darius – the chief “Mede”. The trouble is this about 107 years after the opening episode of Daniel. But if the author of Daniel got his history of pre-Alexander days via the Greek occupation of Judea, that is no bother at all, but what I remember from school about days as far removed from the Greek occupation as colonial America is from the States today.

    On the matter of Danel vs. Daniel, I would suspect that Ezekiel is referring to Danel. But since I have no education in Hebrew, biblical or otherwise, nor have I had any detailed study of provenance for either translation, I would feel foolish to insist what my opinion was on that matter to anyone better positioned – other than to examine the context in Ezekiel: addressing the king of Tyre who had opted out of joint opposition to Babylon. After "divide and conquer", Ezekiel appeared to be rubbing it in. Daniel just doesn’t look like the guy he would be pointing out as the essence of wisdom in that context, if he had heard of the guy with the “I” at all.

    So, to some extent, by examining the case for the historicity of Daniel 1, a lot of arguments for its late authorship came in with advocacy through the back door. I have nothing to complain about on that score.

    On the subject of Psalm 137, however, I can understand the analysis, but at the same time it seems to go to a very low level of detail. The Psalms are essentially songs, but the verses in this case are not like verses in a national hymn, but single sentences. In that sense the overall psalm is a unity. I don’t think that the ideas at the beginning can be separated from the ones at the end - unless they were the ideas of two different stonecutters carving in a rock.

    Best regards.

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