Helps to see the big picture.
From Truthdig
Revenge is the psychological engine of war. Victims are the blood
currency. Their corpses are used to sanctify acts of indiscriminate
murder. Those defined as the enemy and targeted for slaughter are
rendered inhuman. They are not worthy of empathy or justice. Pity and
grief are felt exclusively for our own. We vow to eradicate a
dehumanized mass that embodies absolute evil. The maimed and dead in
Brussels or Paris and the maimed and dead in Raqqa or Sirte perpetuate
the same dark lusts. We all are Islamic State.
“From violence only violence is born,” Primo Levi wrote, “following a
pendular action that, as time goes by, rather than dying down, becomes
more frenzied.”
The tit-for-tat game of killing will not end until exhaustion, until
the culture of death breaks us emotionally and physically. We use our
drones, warplanes, missiles and artillery to rip apart walls and
ceilings, blow out windows and kill or wound those inside. Our enemies
pack peroxide-based explosives in suitcases or suicide vests and walk
into airport terminals, concert halls, cafes or subways and blow us up,
often along with themselves. If they had our technology of death they
would do it more efficiently. But they do not. Their tactics are cruder,
but morally they are the same as us. T.E. Lawrence called this cycle of violence “the rings of sorrow.”
The Christian religion embraces the concept of “holy war” as
fanatically as Islam does. Our Crusades are matched by the concept of
jihad. Once religion is used to sanctify murder there are no rules. It
is a battle between light and dark, good and evil, Satan and God.
Rational discourse is banished. And “the sleep of reason,” as Goya said,
“brings forth monsters.”
Flags, patriotic songs, a deification of the warrior and sentimental
drivel drown out reality. We communicate in empty clichés and mindless,
patriotic absurdities. Mass culture is used to reinforce the lie that we
are the true victims. It re-creates the past to conform to the national
heroic myth. We alone are said to possess virtue and courage. We alone
have the right to revenge. We are hypnotized into a communal somnolence,
a state-induced blindness.
Those we fight, lacking our industrial machines of death, kill up
close. But killing remotely does not make us less morally deformed.
Long-distance killing, epitomized by drone operators at Air Force bases
within the United States who go home for dinner, is as depraved. These
technicians make the vast machinery of death operate with a terrifying
clinical sterility. They depersonalize industrial war. They are the
“little Eichmanns.” This organized bureaucracy of killing is the most enduring legacy of the Holocaust.
“The mechanized, rational, impersonal, and sustained mass destruction
of human beings, organized and administered by states, legitimized and
set into motion by scientists and jurists, sanctioned and popularized by
academics and intellectuals, has become a staple of our civilization,
the last, perilous, and often repressed heritage of the millennium,”
Omer Bartov wrote in “Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial
Killing and Representation.”
We torture kidnapped captives, many held for years, in black sites. We carry out “targeted assassinations”
of so-called high-value targets. We abolish civil liberties. We drive
millions of families from their homes. Those who oppose us do the same.
They torture and behead—replicating the execution style of the Christian
Crusaders—with their own brand of savagery. They rule as despots. Pain
for pain. Blood for blood. Horror for horror. There is a fearsome
symmetry to the madness. It is justified by the same religious
perversion. It is the same abandonment of what it means to be humane and
just.
As psychologist Rollo May wrote:
At the outset of every war … we hastily transform our
enemy into the image of the daimonic; and then, since it is the devil we
are fighting, we can shift onto a war footing without asking ourselves
all the troublesome and spiritual questions that the war arouses. We no
longer have to face the realization that those we are killing are
persons like ourselves.
The killing and torture, the more they endure, contaminate the
perpetrators and the society that condones their actions. They sever the
professional inquisitors and killers from the capacity to feel. They
feed the death instinct. They expand the moral injury of war.
Twenty-two veterans of U.S. military service commit suicide every
day. They do it without an explosives belt. But they share, with suicide
bombers, the overpowering urge to be rid of the world and the sordid
role they had in it.
“It is better to suffer certain injustices than to commit them,” Albert Camus,
like Immanuel Kant, understood. But the politicians, pundits and mass
culture dismiss such wisdom as weakness. Those who speak with sanity,
like Euripides when he produced his anti-war masterpiece “The Trojan
Women,” are reviled and banished.
Who are we to condemn the indiscriminate murder of civilians? Have we
forgotten our bombing of German and Japanese cities in World War II that
left 800,000 civilian women, children and men dead? What about those
families we obliterated in Dresden (135,000 dead), Tokyo (97,000 dead),
Hiroshima (80,000 dead) and Nagasaki (66,000 dead)? What about the 3
million civilian dead we left behind in Vietnam?
We dropped 32 tons of bombs per hour on North Vietnam between 1965
and 1968—hundreds of Hiroshimas. And, as Nick Turse writes in his book
“Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam,” this
tonnage does not count the “millions of gallons of chemical defoliants,
millions of pounds of chemical gases, and endless canisters of napalm;
cluster bombs, high-explosive shells, and daisy-cutter bombs that
obliterated everything within a ten-football-field diameter;
antipersonnel rockets, high-explosive rockets, incendiary rockets,
grenades by the millions, and myriad different kinds of mines.”
Have we forgotten the millions who died in our wars and proxy wars in
the Philippines, Congo, Laos, Cambodia, Guatemala, Indonesia, El
Salvador and Nicaragua? Have we forgotten the 1 million dead in Iraq and
the 92,000 dead in Afghanistan? Have we forgotten the nearly 8 million
people we have driven from their homes in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan
and Syria?
There have been 87,000 coalition sorties
over Iraq and Syria since the air campaign against Islamic State began.
This is the newest chapter in our endless war against the wretched of
the earth.
How can we rise up in indignation over Islamic State’s destruction of cultural monuments such as Palmyra
when we have left so many in ruins? As Frederick Taylor points out in
his book “Dresden,” during the World War II bombing of Germany we
destroyed countless “churches, palaces, historic buildings, libraries,
museums,” including “Goethe’s house in Frankfurt” and “the bones of
Charlemagne from Aechen cathedral” along with “the irreplaceable
contents of the four-hundred-year-old State Library in Munich.” Does
anyone remember that in a single week of bombing during the Vietnam War
we obliterated most of that country’s historic My Son temple complex?
Have we forgotten that our invasion of Iraq led to the burning of the
National Library, the looting of the National Museum and the
construction of a military base on the site of the ancient city of
Babylon? Thousands of archeological sites have been destroyed because of
the wars we spawned in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan and Libya.
We perfected the technique of aerial mass murder and wholesale
destruction that we call “carpet bombing,” “saturation bombing,” “area
bombing,” “obliteration bombing,” “mass bombing” or, in its latest
version, “shock and awe.” We created, through our national wealth, the
managerial systems and technology that the sociologist James William
Gibson calls “technowar.” What were the attacks of 9/11 but an answer to
the explosions and death we inflicted on towns and cities around the
globe? Our attackers spoke to us in the demented language we taught
them. They, like the attackers in Paris and Brussels, knew exactly how
we communicate.
The merchants of death, the arms manufacturers, are among the few who
profit. Most of the rest of us are caught in a cycle of violence that
will not cease until we end the U.S. occupation of the Middle East,
until we learn to speak in a language other than the primitive howl of
war, death and annihilation. We will recover a humane language when we
have had enough, when there are too many of our own dead for us to
sustain the game. The victims will continue to be mostly innocents,
trapped between killers that come from the same womb.
by Chris Hedges
HBH