Holden, Andrew : Routledge 2002 206 pp. £ 55.00 (hardback) £ 16.99 (paperback) Of all the non-mainstream Christian sects, the Jehovah's Witnesses (along with the Mormons) are the most familiar to us, from their door-knocking. Of how many other religions could so many non-members name their evangelistic magazines? We might not want them, we may not ever have read them, but we've all seen copies of The Watchtower and Awake! And many people are aware of the JWs' policy on blood transfusion, and even perhaps that they won't vote, or fight in wars. But how much do we know about their beliefs, about how their lives are different from ours, and about how they manage to fit into a very JW-unfriendly world? This last, in particular, is a sociological question; in Roy Wallis's terminology, the Jehovah's Witnesses are very much a world-rejecting religion. Much of Andrew Holden's book seeks to answer this question. He spends less than a chapter on the history, doctrines and structure of the religion. Although the first two can be found in many books on Christian sects, it would have been useful, in his later discussion of how certain beliefs and practices of the Witnesses affect their lives and their social interaction with the rest of the world, if he had given us more detail on their doctrines, both their origins and development, and the logic behind them Holden spends some time on modernity theory and its application to the JWs; probably his most relevant reference is that the non-mystical, rational religion of Jehovah's Witnesses is a bulwark against 'the terror of chaos' (Peter Berger, Facing up to Modernity, 1977), in that its absolutism 'eradicates risk and ambiguity' for members. He also points up the contradiction that the religion makes full use of the benefits of 'rationalism, liberal democracy and advanced technology' which it condemns. The most interesting part of Holden's book, and its most valuable contribution to our understanding of the JWs, is his discussion of the problems Witnesses have with their families and friends, and in employment. Several chapters, based on in-depth interviews, explore these difficulties. What is it like, for example, to be a child growing up in a home that doesn't celebrate Christmas? Or not being allowed to take part in school sports or other extra-curricular activities? Or facing the normal problems of being a teenager, such as discovering and exploring their sexuality? Like many new religions, the JWs have a strict moral code There are other problems, common to all religions. What if one partner in a marriage is a member, and the other isn't? From the evidence Holden presents, it seems that in these cases more usually the wife is a member, and the husband not. (Why this should be, he doesn't say.) One might think that for a very patriarchal religion, which teaches submission of the wife to the husband, this would create real problems, but the impression is that in most cases couples muddle through, finding compromises that work for them This is obviously anecdotal qualitative sociology, almost social reportage. Holden presents a series of snapshots within a framework. Other sociologists doing a similar study under different circumstances, at a different time, perhaps in a different country, might get different findings. As he says in a brief discussion of his methodological approach, 'It is only by understanding the natives' worldview that ethnographers are able to make sense of an individual act, but these interpretations can only be partial and must be subjected to continual revision.' But the worldview depends on the doctrine, and as mentioned, the book is weak here. It touches only in passing on one of the greatest problems of authoritarian millenarian religions, how their members cope with changes in doctrine and practice imposed (usually without any explanation) from above. The failure of Christ to return in 1975 (and previously in 1918 and various other times) should have created classic cognitive dissonance. (Incidentally, Holden is incorrect in saying that in post-1975 JW literature 'there has been no mention of these prophecies'; in fact, they are explained away as individual over-enthusiasm.) The numerous books by former JWs often mention, for example, the JW insistence (but only since 1937) that Christ died on a stake, not a cross, and the frequent changes in attitude to organ transplants, and to fraternizing with non-members. A rather more detailed reference to such ex-member accounts would have provided a useful balance to the information from Holden's own interviews. Holden has largely succeeded in what he set out to do, and as an ethnographic study this book has some value. For any readers with a reasonable knowledge of the Jehovah's Witnesses, it doesn't add a great deal, though the personal stories provide a very human illumination. |