Necromancy and the god Wada'anu/Addu

by Leolaia 6 Replies latest watchtower bible

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    According to Leviticus 20:27, "Any man or woman who has a ghost ('wb) or who has a familiar spirit (yd'ny) will be put to death". The law in Deuteronomy 18:11 also commands the Israelites to not "consult ghosts (ws'l 'wb) nor familiar spirits (wyd'ny), nor attempt to communicate with the dead (wdrs 'l-hmtym)". In 1 Samuel 28:7-13, the spirit medium of En-dor "consulted ghosts ('wb)". This condemnation of necromancy and divination attests to the popularity of ancestor worship in ancient Israel, as well as the general belief in the afterlife. The derivation of "Sheol" (s'wl) from a root meaning "ask" (s'l) also possibly relates to necromancy, particularly to the s'l 'wb "consulting the ghosts" practice of Deuteronomy 18:11. But what is the history of the critical words 'wb and yd'ny?

    In Mishnaic Hebrew, they have already become terms for practices, thus one performs 'wb "communicating with the dead" or yd'ny "acting as a medium", and by extension can simply refer to the persons who perform these forbidden rituals. According to the Talmud, a human skull was used in the 'wb ritual (Sanhedrin 65b). The slippage between reference to the spirit and reference to the medium may have been enabled by the nature of the ritual itself, which involves possession by the ancestral spirit, so in a sense the medium becomes the spirit, or the spirit becomes the medium. Hebrew philologist S. R. Driver comments:

    "From Lev. 20:27 ("a man or a woman, when there is in them an ob or a yidde'oni") it appears that an ob was considered to declare itself in the body of the person who had to do with it. Is. 29:4 shows further that the oracles of an ob were uttered in a twittering voice, which seemed to rise from the ground. The narrative of the witch of 'Endor shows (1 S. 28:8b, 11) that those who followed the art professed the power of calling up from the underworld the ghosts of the dead. The Syriac Peshitta renders by zakkuro, i.e. a ghost, speaking ostensibly either from the underworld, or from the stomach of the soothsayer. The LXX nearly always represents 'wb by hingastrimuthoi "ventriloquists". This rendering no doubt contains the true explanation of the operation of the 'wb: the b'lt 'wb "pretends to see a ghost which she describes, but her dupes only hear a voice which by ventriloquism seems to come from the ground". The 'wb may be fairly represented by the English ghost. In what respect the yidde'oni differed from the ob is uncertain. The word is usually understood to signify knower (i.e. wise spirit; Heb. yada' "to know"), but the yidde'oni may be not unreasonably understood of a "familiar" spirit, i.e. a spirit which is at the beck and call of a particular person (cf. Acts 16:14), and imparts to him its superior knowledge". (A Critical and Exegetical Commentary of Deuteronomy, p. 226)

    The derivation of 'wb is uncertain but it is most likely cognate with Arabic awaba = aaba "a soul which returns (from the underworld)". As for yd'ny, a link with yd' "know" seems obvious; hence Driver's speculation above. But the discovery of the third-millenium B.C. Ebla archive has opened up a whole new possibility. West Semitic mythology of the Early and Middle Bronze Age had far more diverse pantheons than that of the Late Bronze Canaanite mythology from Ugarit, and the Iron Age mythology of Phoenicia and Israel. Some of these earlier gods merged together, disappeared entirely, or survived as the names of demons, angels, and spirits. Or epithets of certain deities may be hypostasized into new deities. Among the divine pairs in the Ebla pantheon, we find listed d Wa-da-'a-an wa d Si-la-shu lu Ga-ra-mu KI, or rather, "Wada'anu and Silashu of Garamu" (cf. ARET 3.540; TM.75.G.1764). Wada'anu is essentially the exact equivalent of Hebrew yd'ny, and he is paired with the goddess Silashu, who is spelled Sa-a-sa in another text, suggesting an underlying "Salasha" (the sign for Eblaite /a/ is often interchangeable with /la/, thus d A-a is spelled d A-la in ARET 3.464; ARET 3.232). Both names indicate an identification with the Akkadian goddess Shalash, the consort of Enlil/Ellil, Dagan, and Adad in Mesopotamia and Syria (e.g. the consort of Adad-Ramman was "Shala"). What makes this link especially interesting is that Adad/Addu (Syrian Hadad, the proper name for Baal) and Shamash, the sun-god, were very frequently involved in divination rites in Assyrian and Mari texts (they were called beli biri "lords of divination"). Shamash has chthonic aspects since his daily course takes him through the underworld, and being an astral deity his all-seeing gaze suits him well as a revealer of secrets. Baal/Hadad has a cyclic death into the underworld and rebirth, making him a revealer of death, and in Assyrian and Mari texts Adad/Addu was primary involved in omens of death as revealed through extispicy. If Salasha/Silashu is indeed the same goddess of Shalash, then a probable argument could be made that one of Hadad/Addu's epithets in the area of divination was the word for "knower" (wada'anu), and after Baal ceased to function as a god of divination, the epithet lived on to refer to other "revealers" involved in necromancy (the lesser spirits of the dead summoned by the medium). It is also curious that Sanhedrin 65b makes reference to b'l-'wb "Baal-Ob" as the form of divination involving the 'wb, and it has been noticed that every occurence of yd'ny in the OT pairs yd'ny with 'wb. Might this very late name of a necromancy practice preserve some memory of Baal being central to divination and necromancy? Of course, this does not touch at all on the problem of Resheph and Malik/Moloch/Rapiu/Rapha as the chief chthonic deities.

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    Hi.

  • Narkissos
    Narkissos

    The best hypothesis I ever read re: the strange form yid`oni...

    About 'wb, the LXX option (ventriloquist) might be somehow related to the unique occurrence of the term in Job 32:18f (usually taken as meaning "wineskins" from the parallel with "wine [yain] in v. 19, but in a broader context where "words" [millim] burst forth from a "spirit" [ruach] in the "belly" [beten]). Within the Hebrew sphere, I also wonder if some relation (perhaps no more than a pun on a loanword) might also exist with 'b = "father" or "ancestor". Interestingly the consonantic plural of both words is identical ('bwt may be vocalized as 'aboth, "fathers", or 'oboth, "spirits / mediums")...

  • peacefulpete
    peacefulpete

    I'm confused, wasn't Baal originally a separate deity from Hadad? If so then when was Baal a god of the underworld? I'm not expecting you to expend a great deal of energy explaining it, but if you could direct me to some info, it'd be great.

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    I didn't say that Baal was a god of the underworld; I meant that he had a chthonic aspect due to his cyclic death and release from the underworld. Some scholars think that Baal's name during his summer stay in the underworld was Rapiu, but I am unconvinced of this for a number of reasons. Now Baal certainly represents a conflation of Hadad with other originally independent deities, and since "Baal" originated as a title meaning "Lord" his later identification with Hadad/Addu is subsequent to earlier uses of the title. As I said before, there were many more deities attested in the earlier period, and there were several rain gods in West Semitic mythology of the Early Bronze and Middle Bronze Age. In Ugaritic texts Baal was designated as the son of Dagan, but in far earlier texts, Hadad and Dagan were both different rain gods in competition (cf. Arabic haddat "thunder" < Hadad; Semitic root *dgn "cloudy, rainy" < Dagan). Baal-Hadad was associated with the underworld in Ugaritic myth and Dagan clearly was associated with the underworld in Akkadian/Amorite mythology. As mentioned above, the consort Shala/Shalash was also shared between the two deities (Shala being the wife of Adad, Shalash being the wife of Dagan), and like Enlil and Baal-Hadad, Dagan also had a chthonic aspect. According to J. J. M. Roberts:

    "Dagan, like his Sumerian counterpart Enlil, also has ties with the underworld. In both the Ugaritic and Mari material he is the recipient of sacrifices for the dead, and in a new Mari text he is given the epithet b'l pagre "Lord of the sacrifices for the dead". Moreover, a long known text appears to have Dagan gathering the underworld deities and untrusting them to Allatum. This link with the underworld probably grows out of the fructifying role of the rainstorm, since both Enlil and Dagan were thought of as the impregnating power which caused the earth to produce grain" (The Earliest Semitic Pantheon, p. 19)

    So here we see that in earlier times, Dagan (in Ugarit the father of Baal) himself bore the title "Baal" and was associated with the underworld in just the expected way. Dagan's wife was named Shalash, and this is the name attested in the older Early Bronze texts from Ebla as the wife of Wada'anu. And to bring things full circle, in Iron Age Hebrew texts yd'ny (the cognate of Wada'anu) appears as the name of the spirits involved in rituals involving the dead, and in the Talmud, Baal also occurs as part of the name of certain practices involving dead spirits. The messiness of syncretism is expected, but there does appear to be a direct link between the Hebrew terms and the older West Semitic practices involving the dead.

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    Here is some discussion of the evidence in THE GOD DAGAN IN BRONZE AGE SYRIA by Lluis Feliu:

    The identification of Dagan with d BE is the key to understanding his role within the pantheon, what his attributes were and what was the extent of his cult. G. Pettinato was the first to identify d BE with Dagan, considering it to be an epithet of the god, "Lord" and he interpreted the month BE-li as the commemoration of a festival dedicated to the lord or a feast dedicated to Dagan who is "The Lord" par excellence. A. Archi also identified d BE with Dagan, interpreting it as a logogram or as an abbreviation of belu "lord", a special epithet of Dagan.....

    If we restruct ourselves to the documentation at our disposal, we can only conclude that Dagan, as such, does not occur in quotations in context in the texts from Ebla. Only the d BE of Tuttul 'The Lord of Tuttul" is Dagan, with almost complete certainty. The sanctuary of Dagan at Tuttul is very well documented from the Sargonic period and during the whole of the second millenium. The most logical conclusion is to think that "the Lord of Tuttul" is Dagan, and thus Dagan was worshipped at Ebla under this local dedication. The presence of a divine statue of the goddess Sha(l)ash as the consort of d BE in Tuttul (EB:T 18), is further proof for identifying "The Lord of Tuttul" with Dagan, since in later tradition Dagan has Shalash as a consort. This goddess is documented in three other texts from Ebla, but in these cases connected with the god Wada'an(u) and with Karramu, which according to A. Archi is a town to the northeast of Ebla, beyond the Euphrates Valley....

    The oldest reference to a possible consort of Dagan comes from Ebla. There we find an offering to the "Lord of Tuttul" (= Dagan) and a consignment of silver and gold for the statue of the goddess Sha(l)asha; other texts from Ebla seem to indicate that this goddess was paired with the god Wada'an, even so, the coupling with Dagan seems evident, especially if we consider the information from the textual material of the second millenium. The fact that there was a goddess who continued to be worshipped in Tuttul, one of the holy cities of the cult of Dagan where king Sargon of Akkad prostrated himself before the god, added to the consort having the same name in the list Babylonian An=Anum shows there is little margin for doubt. In the Old Babylonian period, Dagan appears to have a special relationship with the goddess Ninhursag ....

    The key could be in a text from Aleppo found in Mari in which there is a reference to a mourning ceremony for the death of Sumu-epuh, in this text Dagan occurs accompanied by the goddesses Hebat and Shalash; the presence of the former can be explained as she is the wife of the patron god of Aleppo (Addu) and as daughter of Dagan. It is reasonable, then, that Shalash occurs in the text as Dagan's wife, from which we may infer that Ninhursag is the learned writing of the name of the goddess Shalash, Dagan's traditional consort according to the Babylonian god lists and according to the material from Ebla. Other typically southern writings found in Mari may also correspond to Shalash, such as Ninlil, Enlil's traditional wife in Babylonia, or Ninkugi, who is equivalent to Shalash in the lists....

    One of the problems that remain unresolved is that Dagan and Adad appear to share a wife. For this apparent contradiction various solutions have been proposed by the experts. The most common view has been to deduce a certain equivalence of attributes or identification of the two gods. Other scholars have preferred to see an equivalence of the two gods by Babylonian theologians; others have left the question as inexplicable, the result of traditions coexisting. Shala's relationship with Adad is well attested already in the Old Babylonian period and continues afterwards, both in the Assyrian texts and in late Babylonian rituals....

    What is called the 'pantheon of Mari' lists Dagan, The-Lord-of-the-land (Bel-matim) and Shalash (Ninhursag). If we accept the hypothesis of seeing Lord-of-the-land as a hypostasis of Addu, it seems obvious that there is a 'family' enumeration of the three deities, that is to say, Father, Son, and Mother: Dagan, Addu, and Shalash; in this way we already have evidence for a father-son relationship between Dagan and Addu in the first half of the second millenium. It can also be noted that the weapons of Addu from Aleppo are deposited in the temple of Dagan in Terqa in order to perform the coronation ceremony of the king of Mari and stage the mytheme of the combat between the Storm-god and the god of the Sea. In this ceremony, Dagan had a passive role, was the host of the ceremony, in this way however he gave it legitimacy as father of the gods and as father of Addu, the main protagonist of the mytheme. This close relationship between Dagan and Addu is evident in the texts from Mari that invoke the gods together, this evidence, together with the material from Ugarit naming Baal as the son of Dagan, invite proposing this father-son relationship already in the Old Babylonian period.

    Looking through this evidence, it seems appropriate to posit that in the Ebla texts "Wada'anu" is an epithet of Dagan, whose rituals involving worship of the dead are directly evoked by the Hebrew yd'ny. Dagan also originally bore the title Baal/Bel "Lord". Then in the Middle Bronze Age, with Hadad being designated as Dagan's son, Dagan's attributes were shifted to Hadad/Addu, so that the latter began to bear the title Baal and in Akkadian and Assyrian texts, Addu even took over Dagan's wife in modified form.

  • ikthuce4u
    ikthuce4u

    (I'm new around here and am simply posting to "subscribe" to the thread for a reference/ so I can get back to it later, etc.)....

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