Simon, Cephas, Peter, Judas, Thomas, Didymus

by Leolaia 41 Replies latest watchtower bible

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    This post is in response to Peacefulpete's interesting post from my King David thread, which I quote below:

    Leolaia...If you look again at 1Cor you'll see Peter is not there only an ebionite named Cephas is. The only reference to "Peter" in any of "Pauline" works is Gal 2:7 and it is an interpolation made for the very reasons being discussed. The fact that all surrounding verses use "Cephus" (who was an early Ebionite) makes this awkward and an obviously distinct hand.

    One reconstruction as I understand it is that the protognostic novel like source stories contained no Peter. his character was early on created to disguise the female roles in the tales. Much like the attribution of GJohn to a man. (bear with me as it gets messy) Is has been suggested that a female lover/wife of jesus was in fact the betrayer in the original tale. possibly over jealousy of his involvement with MM a very grateful convert. Her role was then assigned to a male, a trusted confidant to conceal his love interests. Perhaps in the Ebionite form of Matt he was named Peter but it seems more probable that this would have occured first in a Greek community. Either way he became known as Peter.
    Later yet this was felt unbefitting the chosen leader of the new Orthodoxy so a 'Judas Ischariot' was invented to be the betrayer. (a character about whom nothing is known other than obligatory introduction of him and a motive inserted into the narrative) His expanded role in the orthodox mission was gradual. Even in Acts we find him second fiddle to James in some episodes. This is likely because of the assumption of Cephas into the Peter character.

    I know it's not possible to prove any of this, but this reconstruction seems to adaquately explain the absence of Peter in Paul and the odd narrative stream. It also explains the multiple names given to this composite character, (Symeon,Simon, Cephas) The name Peter in greek (rock) also seems a bit too etiological to not be contrived. (a name not used by any other character).

    The stickiest part is the how the Ebionite community understood the role of Peter. Or did their recension of Matt not use the name Peter? Did they like the Nazarites (apparently) interpret many things allegorically so that if Peter was in their story, he was not literalized? The Gnostics of course would have had no problem as Peter was not part of their tradition.

    This sounds like a convoluted fringe theory that creates more problems than it solves and is only feasible by dispensing with a good deal of evidence. It appears to reject the extensive body of evidence on Peter's existence and role in early Christianity but favors the existence of a personage of whom there is virtually no evidence whatsoever. Although the claim is that this person was systematically erased from Christian history (a la Akhenaten) and replaced by the fictive Peter, this cannot be assumed a priori -- there has to be some "probable cause" to reason that this is the case and justify the rejection of otherwise relevant evidence. There is quite a bit of evidence on Mary Magdalene, slender though it is, and her relationship with Jesus, but that there was another woman?? Maybe I'm wrong, but it looks to me like she exists only because Mary Magdalene cannot be posited as the person Peter replaces since the two are clearly distinguished in the gospel narratives. I know she is posited because she would be cast as the "betrayer" in the gospels, but that's a stipulation necessary to make the theory work that's not based on any external evidence. Even more serious is that the "betrayal" is taken as a historical matter of fact, which then forms the basis of claiming that the fictive character of "Peter" and then "Judas Iscariot" were invented to camouflage the identity of Jesus' actual historical betrayer, when historians recognize that (like most material in the passion narrative) the betrayal at the Last Supper is based on OT exegetical traditions (in this case, exegesis of Psalm 41:9) and is thus not historical. What is more, "Judas" is obviously original to the story because the betrayal is modelled on the story of Joseph's betrayal by his eleven other brothers in Genesis 37:26-28 wherein Judah (i.e. "Judas" in Greek) convinces his brothers to turn over Joseph to the Ishmaelites and they are paid twenty pieces of silver.

    The notion that Cephas and Peter were different people does have some slender patristic support. According to the fourth century historian Eusebius, Clement of Alexandria (c. A.D. 200) in the fifth book of his Hypotyposeis claimed that "Cephas was one of the seventy disciples, a man who bore the same name as the apostle Peter," and later tradition by the fourth century Dorotheus of Tyre and others made him the bishop of Iconium or Colophon. Unfortunately, the Hypotyposeis has been lost and it is uncertain whether Eusebius was quoting or paraphrasing (accurately or inaccurately) Clement. It is generally thought that the designation of Cephas as someone other than Peter of the Roman church was motivated by the desire to distinguish the orthodox Peter from the "Judaizing" Petrine traditions of the Ebionites (which also circulated under the name of Peter, as Clement also attests), and also to smooth over the differences between the Paulinists and the orthodox followers of Peter -- especially in light of Paul's dispute with Cephas in Galatians 2. Galatians 2:7-8, which switches the name from Cephas to Peter, might well be an interpolation since textual evidence shows that the name elsewhere in the epistle varies between Cephas and Peter in the different manuscripts (1:18, 2:9, 11, 14), while in 2:7-8 the name is consistently Peter. The theory is that after the two verses mentioning "Peter" were added, later copyists tried to harmonize the other occurrence of Cephas with it -- producing the variation between the two names in manuscripts. Plus the content takes the form of a paranthetical gloss. The interpolation theory is quite plausible in this case but it does not show that Cephas and Peter were different people. First of all, the Cephas in Paul's apologia in Galatians 2:11-13 and the Peter in Acts 10:28, 11:1-18 and especially 15:1-12 (the "men from Judea" and "certain friends of James" being the same people who "insisted on circumcision" in both Acts 15:1-2 and Galatians 2:12) are almost surely the same person. Second, Cephas wasn't a small potato if Paul refers to "James, Cephas and John" as "these leaders, these pillars" (Galatians 2:9), and interestingly in Acts, Simon Peter is frequently paired with John (Acts 3:1-26, 4:1-31, 8:14, etc.) and once with James (15:1-21), just as Paul is paired with Barnabas in Galatians 2:9 and Acts 13:46, 50; 14:3, 12; 15:22. Clement of Rome (c. A.D. 95) writing in 1 Clement 5:2-4 alluded to Galatians 2:9 when he referred to Peter as one of the "most righteous pillars [stuloi]," the same word in Galatians 2:9. This indicates that Clement understood that Cephas and Peter were the same person, just as the interpolator to Galatians 2 did as well. Third, the reference to Cephas in 1 Corinthians 15:5 as the first to witness the risen Christ before "the Twelve" matches the account in Luke 24:34 which states that just before Jesus appears to the Eleven, the Eleven announce: "The Lord has risen and appeared to Simon." Although Mark does not have a resurrection appearance, Jesus promises Peter that "after my resurrection I shall go before you in Galilee" (Mark 14:28) and the messenger in Mark 16:7 again promises an appearance to Peter in Galilee. The appearance to Peter in Galilee in John 21 may also reproduce the same tradition, and though the ending is lost, the Gospel of Peter also introduces the same Galilee apperance and presents it as the first resurrection apperance (GPeter 14:58-60). 1 Corinthians 15:5 thus furnishes strong support for regarding Cephas and Simon Peter as the same person. Fourth, the independent tradition in John 1:42 explicitly identifies Cephas with Simon Peter. Fifth, there are minor details -- such as both Cephas and Peter being married (Mark 1:30; 1 Corinthians 9:5). Sixth, most significantly and obviously, the names are virtual synonyms both meaning "rock" in Aramaic and Greek respectively (cf. Aramaic kaifa "rock," Greek petros "rock," as in English petroleum and petrify), and onomastic evidence shows that Cephas and Peter were execeedingly rare as names outside the Bible and so the probability that two separate people bore the same name, one in Greek and the other in Aramaic, is quite remote. It is a legitimate question of how much of "Peter" may be a legendary elaboration (in the gospels, in Acts, in later apocryphal works) of the historical Cephas, but I question on the basis of the above that "Peter" arose first as a separate personality from Cephas to mask someone else's identity.

    Leaving aside for a moment the implausible notion that Peter was an early Eastern creation to obscure the identity of Jesus' betrayer, Eastern evidence is quite decisive against the idea of "Peter" as purely a Western, orthodox creation. The Gospel of Thomas attests the name "Simon Peter" as one of the Twelve (cf. GThom 13:2, 114:1) who ranks among Matthew, Mary, Salome, and Thomas as the disciples who converse with Jesus and to whom Jesus dispenses his secret wisdom. The Apocryphon of James knows "Peter" (cf. Apoc. Jas. 3:10; 9:1), the proto-docetic Gospel of Peter knows "Simon Peter" (GPeter 14:60), the Fayyum Fragment attests "Peter," and the Gospel of the Ebionites refers to "Simon whose surname was Peter" (GEbi 1). Even more interesting is the fact that Tatian the Syrian's gospel harmony, the Diatesseron (c. A.D. 170), refers to "Simon Cephas" (54:23) -- representing a separate Syrian tradition identifying Cephas with Simon. The Kerygmata Petrou is a second-century commentary on traditional Jewish-Christian teaching that was preserved by Clement of Alexandria and originated most likely in Syria. The Jewish-Christian outlook is strongly Ebionite, viewing Jesus as a prophet recommending limited levitical observance and castigating Paul as an "enemy" of the Church. This is an important source for understanding the significance of Peter in the Ebionite communities of Syria and their esteem of the Petrine tradition over the Pauline. And though the Peter of the Gospel of Thomas and the later Gospel of Mary serves somewhat as a foil for orthodox authority, he also appears as an authority figure in Eastern non-orthodox Christianity and the simplest explanation is that the primitive Jewish-Christian traditions of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt knew him as well. And what motivation would the gnostics, the Jewish Christians, and others had to replace some shadowy female personality with Peter when they were the very ones who rejected inherent male authority and looked to Mary and Salome as important sources of revelation? With their esteem for female revelation, would they have been more likely to preserve the original female identity of Peter -- or even hint at it? Instead, the Gospel of Thomas has Peter asking Jesus: "Let Mary leave us, for women are not worthy of life" (GThom 114:1). The rivalry between Peter and Mary in the Gospel of Mary also has a sexist basis when Peter questions why "the Savior has spoken secretly to a woman and not openly so that we would all hear? Surely he did not wish to indicate that she is more worthy than we are?" (GMary 10:3-4). How indeed could these Eastern gnostics base their critique of Western male dominance on a figure who was known to be a female as well -- unless that knowledge had been replaced very early on, even before the early traditions found in the Gospel of Thomas which reflect a time when James the Just was viewed as the central figure of authority. Moreover there is absolutely no trace of the idea that the "Peter" of the gnostic and Jewish-Christian gospels had anything to do with Jesus' betrayal. This should be surprising since (1) their conceptions of the apostles drew less on orthodox characterizations and more on their own traditions and (2) they knew nothing of Judas Iscariot. Indeed, the reference to resurrection appearances to the Eleven in Matthew 28:16, Mark 16:14 (the non-Markan addition), Luke 24:9, 33, Acts 1:26, 2:14 and not the Twelve is dependent on the secondary Betrayal story, but earlier statements such as that by Paul in 1 Corinthians 15:5 and Jewish-Christian gnostic works like Gospel of Peter 14:59 and the Apocryphon of James 2:1-2 mention the Twelve instead -- indicating a possible unfamiliarity with the Betrayal story.

    The evidence from the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Peter, the Gospel of the Ebionites, Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, Acts, and 2 Peter all attest the compound "Simon Peter" or "Symeon Peter," suggesting that Peter and Simon referred to the same person as well -- the "Simon bar-Jonah" of Matthew 16:17, the Gospel of the Nazoreans 16, and other Jewish-Christian sources. Symeon is also identified with Peter in Acts 15:14, and it simply is a more literal rendering of the Jewish name Shim'on, with the 'ayin indicated by the vowel alternation in the second syllable. This is the form of the name in the LXX (cf. Genesis 29:33), while "Simon" is a preexisting Greek name (attested in Aristophanes' The Clouds, written in 419 BC) that because of its similarity with Shim'on was more popularly used to represent that name as well. Considering the rarity of Peter as a name outside Christian tradition and the stories of nicknames of other apostles (cf. Mark 3:17; Luke 6:15; John 11:16, 20:24), the best explanation is that Peter, or originally Cephas, was a nickname that Simon bar-Jonah had, possibly given by Jesus as Mark 3:16, Matthew 16:18, and John 1:42 claim. The translation of Aramaic names like Cephas into Greek is well-attested in the NT. In addition to the example of Peter, we have the nickname Didymus which is the translation of Aramaic tauma or Thomas "twin" (John 11:16, 20:24, 21:2), Huioi Brontes which is a loose translation of Aramaic bene regez or Boanerges "sons of wrath" (Mark 3:17), Ho Zelotes which translates Aramaic qan'an "the Zealot" (Luke 6:15, Acts 1:13), and Dorkas which translates Aramaic tabyeta or Tabitha (Acts 9:36).

    Double names, such as in the case of Levi Matthew, may genuinely represent conflation of different personalities. But in the case especially of Greek names such as Peter or Dorcus, it was not uncommon for Jews in the disapora to have two or more names. The best known example is that of Saul of Tarsus, who after his conversion adopted the Greek name Paul (< Gk. paulos "small"). Like Peter, Saul was primarily known among the Gentiles under his Greek-derived name, but Luke -- writing of a time long after Paul's conversion -- still refers to the apostle as "Saul who was also known as Paul" [Saulos de, ho kai Paulos] (Acts 13:9), a construction that is reminiscent of "Simon who is called Peter" [Simona ho legemenos Petros] in Matthew 10:2 (cf. Acts 10:18) and especially "Thomas who is also called Didymus" [Thomas ho kai Didumos] in Acts of Thomas 1. Paul gives another example in Colossians 4:11 where he sends the greetings of "Jesus who is also called Justus" [Iesous ho legomenos Ioustos], again an instance of a Semitic name paired with a Greek nickname. The ultimate example of this, incidentally, is that of "Jesus, who is called Christ" [Iesous ho legemenos Khristos] (Matthew 1:16). The predominant use of a nickname like Peter or Cephas by Simon bar-Jonah is also totally understandable since Simon was one of the most common names of the time among Jewish males.

    The thing that clinches it for me, I think, is the parallel with Judas Thomas. Like the case of Peter, we have an original Jewish name (Simeon, Judas) that receives an Aramaic nickname (Cephas, Thomas), that is then rendered into Greek (Peter, Didymus). The Gospel of Thomas 1:1 thus refers to "Didymus Judas Thomas," the Acts of Thomas refers to "Judas Thomas" (10, 11), "Judas Thomas the apostle" (54), "Judas who is also called Thomas" [Ioudas ho kai Thomas] (20, 21), and "Judas Thomas who is also called Didymus" [Ioudas Thomas ho kai Didumos] (1), John 11:16 refers to "Thomas who was called Didymus" [Thomas ho legomenos Didumos] (cf. also John 14:5, 20:24-28, 21:2), and finally the Syriac translation of John 14:22 reads "Thomas" in place of "Judas, not Iscariot," understanding "Judas" as Thomas' given name. Conflation with another Judas is possible in later stories that designate Judas Thomas as the twin brother of Jesus (Acts of Thomas 11), on the basis of a Judas being the brother of Jesus and James in Mark 6:3, Matthew 13:55 and the mention of "Judas the brother of James" in Jude 1, suggested especially by the existence of a separate tradition that makes Thomas the twin brother of Thaddeus.

    So in short, I'm extremely skeptical of the hypothesis that Peter was originated to cover up the identity of Jesus' betrayer and wife (who, if Jesus had one, would have probably been Mary), and while the notion that there were two people named Cephas or Peter holds more water I am ultimately persuaded that the Cephas Paul knew was the same figure as the Peter of the Gospels. A more plausible theory, in my opinion, is that Simon Peter's mission was mainly to Syria and Asia Minor, overlapping somewhat with Paul, and some people sided with Paul and others with Peter (1 Corinthians 1:12). Peter's teaching was more traditionally Jewish-Christian than that of Paul, and was more under the conservative influence of James the Just than Paul (Galatians 2:11-14). One possibility that this Peter visited Rome as Paul did and was caught up in the Neronian persecution of A.D. 64. Another possibility is that one of Peter's disciples adopted his teacher's nickname and became an early leader of the Roman Church (this is on partial analogy with John the Presbyter and Apostle John, who both lived in Ephesus), and he was the one responsible for 1 Peter (which postdates the Neronian persecution) and the Roman Petrine tradition. Then, just like in the cases of Apostle John and John the Presbyter and Apostle Philip and Philip the Evangelist, this second Peter was confused with the apostle and was used to ideologically establish the authority of Western orthodoxy. The Syrian Jewish-Christian churches, among whom the original Peter had evangelized, reacted to this by either emphasizing the name of Peter as the source of their tradition (such as in the Kerygmata Petrou) or emphasizing their founder as someone distinct from the Roman Peter. This is just a hypothesis, but it explains a lot more than the other theory -- especially how the those in the Eastern churches identified Cephas with Simon and promulgated Ebionite Cephas-type traditions under Peter's name.

    The Matthean tradition in Matthew 16:17, which was used be the Western churches to assert their priority, likely originated in this same Syrian context where Q and proto-Matthew developed. The story, when viewed in a Jewish-Christian context, actually means something other than what the orthodoxy purports it to mean. It is drawing on the same exegetical tradition of Numbers 23:9 as found in later rabinnical literature, which states: "Upon Abraham as top of the rocks God said I shall build my kingdom" (Mishnah Yalk. 1.766). The tradition also occurs in Hebrews 11:8-10 which relates that "it was faith that Abraham obeyed the call to set out for a country ... [living] in tents while he looked forward to a city founded, designed, and built by God." The likening of Abraham to the rock on which Zion was built (cf. "from the tops of rocks I see [God]," Numbers 23:9) was ultimately inspired by Isaiah 28:16 where Yahweh promises to rebuild the Temple and "lay in Zion a stone of witness, a precious cornerstone, a foundation stone" (cf. 2 Chronicles 3:1). This notion, and the figurative application to the words "temple" and "foundation stone" to certain people, finds its expression elsewhere in the same Gospel where Matthew has Jesus cite this Isaiah 28:16 to refer to refer to himself (21:42) and Jesus then mentions figuratively the rebuilding of the Temple in 26:61. Like Abraham, those with true faith and righteousness serve as the foundation stones, walls, and pillars of the Kingdom of God and the formation of a following of believers of the Kingdom is like the building of a Temple where God may dwell with his believers as he dwells in the literal Temple (Matthew 23:21). It is exactly in this same sense that the Qumrun Community Rule refers to believers as "the temple for Israel and ... Holy of Holies ... the tested wall, the precious cornerstone whose foundations shall never be shaken nor swayed" (8:5-9). Matthew has Jesus declare Simon bar-Jonah as "the rock" right when he confesses Jesus as the Christ -- it is his faith that turns him into a foundation stone. The story may have itself originated in an Aramaic-speaking context, where the words "I shall build" (ybny) in Matthew 16:18 probably constitute a pun on "stone" (bn) -- a pun that was lost when the story was written in Greek.

    The story thus declares Simon Peter as a believer, and in its current form delegates authority to Peter by giving Peter "the keys of the kingdom of heaven: whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven" (16:19). This focus on authority, especially the giving of the keys of heaven, is probably a secondary feature of the pericope. In the Gospel of Thomas version of the same story, Jesus gives secret wisdom to the confessor -- not authority (13:1-8). The focus on authority probably developed later on as it became more important to appeal to apostolic authority. The saying on "binding and loosing" is separately attested in Matthew 18:18 and here it is given to all the disciples and has nothing to do with a particular individual's authority but refers to the authority of the whole body of followers to permit and forbid what they see fit. "Binding and loosing" is actually a rabbinical term that refers to the power to "forbid and permit" and conceptually derives from the belief of the Law tying up or releasing a forbidden object from divine censure. It was used by the Sanhedrin to express their authority over interpretation of the Law. Rejecting the authority of such "official" law-givers, Jesus instead declares that his followers have the authority to discipline and forgive others, regardless of the official penalties. But Jesus makes absolutely clear that this authority does not exalt any particular follower over others:

    "If your brother sins against you, go and tell him his fault, between you and him alone. If he listens to you, you have gained your brother. But if he does not listen, take one or two others along with you, and every word may be confirmed by the evidence of two or three witnesses. If he refuses to listen, tell it to the church; and if he refuses to listen even to the church, let him be to you as a Gentile or a tax collector. Truly I say to you, whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven. Again I say to you, if two of you agree on earth about anything they ask, it will be done for them by my Father in heaven. For where two or three are gathered in my midst, there am I in the midst of them....Then Jesus said to the crowds and to his disciples, 'The scribes and Pharisees sit on Moses' seat; so practice and observe whatever they tell you, but not what they do; for they preach, but do not practice. They bind heavy burdens, hard to bear, and lay them on men's shoulders; but they themselves will not move them with their finger....But you are not to be called rabbi, for you have one teacher, and you are all brothers. And call no man your father on earth, for you have one Father, who is in heaven. Neither be called masters, for you have one master, the Christ. He who is greatest among you shall be your servant, whoever exalts himself will be humbled and whoever humbles himself will be exalted." (Matthew 18:15-20; 23:1-12)

    It does not appear likely, then, that the original meaning involved an exaltation of Peter. There is some evidence that the earlier story about the naming of "Peter" had a different context. The naming story in Matthew 16 occurs in a sort of competition among the disciples to best characterize Jesus and Peter is singled out by his faith -- this gives him precedence over the disciples. John's version of the naming story however occurs in an altogether different context: Peter was named at his conversion, and he and his brother Andrew were among the very first discples of Jesus (John 1:40-42). This context fits even better with the "cornerstone" motif -- Peter, as one of the very first disciples, is declared the foundation stone simply because he is the forerunner of those who would later join the movement. It is quite possible, then, that the earlier version of the naming story had Jesus declare Peter his "foundation stone" because he was one of the earliest followers, and later this story was dislocated, embellished, and moved to a point later on in Jesus' ministry in order to exalt Peter as the foremost of the apostles Jesus had chosen. This earlier version may itself be unhistorical and the name could have arisen from the fact that "Cephas", the "Rock," was the first or one of the first to witness the risen Christ and thus had a significant role in getting the "Church" started; on this view, Peter might have been given his nickname by his converts who saw him as the foundation of the new, growing Church -- in much the same way as Paul calls Cephas one of the "pillars" of the Church (Galatians 2:9). But of course, the reasons behind the name are probably lost to history.

  • Double Edge
    Double Edge

    That's it. I'm not going to Church tomorrow.... I'm just going to read your posts. (very, very interesting...thanks!)

  • peacefulpete
    peacefulpete

    Very interesting indeed. however if you reread my sloppy post you copied here you may see that all your objections are indirectly addressed. First i suggested that the scenes were part of a protoGnostic NOVEL-like story. A standard greek tradgedy with romance and jealosy and betrayal. These scenes were adopted and very soon modified to new needs. It is not suggested that Peter and Cephas are two separat characters in the stories, rather the oposite, that Peter assimilated the Cephas character as well as others in specific pericopes like the reworked Garden scene. Likewise, that MaryM and Peter are found in the same setting does nothing to the theory. The theory is complicated and of course depends a great deal upon subjective "radical' criticism as you suggest. it does however offer solution to some real problems such as the to many "Marys" problem. (another time) It possibly illuminates theGnostic traditions about Mary M. it may also explain the indignent and extremely 'familiar' tone of voice of Martha in her dialogues with her "Lord" and Savior. Sarcasm at the resurrection of L scene (which was possibly originally a resurrection of lover MM, "wept..see how much he loved ..." changed to Lazarus, a name pulled from the R man and L parable) and ordering him at the meal in Lazarus' house scene. She may be the wife!

    Now mind you I am not an advocate of this theory, i just posted it because it is interesting and has many "literary" legs to stand on. Myself I find the Lazarus resurrection scene quite easily understood as a Jewish version of the very ancient Egyptian story of Horus ( a sun god) reanimating the mummified body of El-Azarus (first vowels often dropped in semitizing process) after 4 days when petitioned by his two sisters in Bethanu (as opposed to the unidentified Bethany) Egypt. But thats the mythicist in me. However I am open to the possibilty that perhaps both are right and the Egyptian tale offered a convenient framework for reworking the resurrection of MM story retaing only it's odd dialogue.

    Anyway back to Peter...His appearance is not as late as you seem to think i was suggesting. i am not surprised for example that he appears in the extent GThomas. Even assuming this was not a later interpolation as well it can be accomodated. i did suggest that perhaps the first/second generation Ebionites had him in their form of Matt. i don't know this to be the case I just supposed it because it would be consistant with the disguising of Jesus love interests (according to the reconstruction) . Without the later embellishments of the proto orthodox he was not a threat to them. remember the standard model for Xtian origins among the Radical critics and Mythicists is that the jewish adoption of a version of the Jesus legend was secondary. The proto-orthodox evolved largely from the mystery end of things only later forging a kind of syncretism with the Jewish messianists.

    I don't know that there is enuf to assertively offer any reconstruction, but I like to listen to the fringe now and then as this is where the creativity and excitement is.

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    Double Edge.....Great!! I'm glad someone else than just Pete and I are reading this stuff!

    My thinking on this issue, btw, was recently inspired by the brand-new book PETER: THE MYTH, THE MAN, AND THE WRITINGS: A STUDY OF EARLY PETRINE TEXT AND TRADITION by F. Lapham (London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2003). It's worth checking out because it gives a helpful overview of some of the obscure texts like the Kerygmata Petrou, the Pseudo-Clementines, and the Gospel of Peter, and discusses the importance of Peter in the Jewish-Christian Ebionite community, as well as within Gnosticism and orthodox Christianity.

    Here's from the blurb: " This book critically examines all the early and important Petrine pseudepigrapha to identify a distinctive Petrine theology which, it is believed, was later swamped by the tide of western orthodoxy. Despite the diversity of the books and tractates, ranging from Jewish-Christian writings to avowedly Gnostic works, a remarkably consistent Petrine tradition does emerge; and Peter is shown essentially to be neither the impetuous, undiscerning, and even vacillating figure portrayed in the Gospels and Acts, nor the magisterial and pontifical figure of later Church tradition, but a visionary who was concerned above all to hold together both the moral and cognitive aspects of the Faith."

  • Leolaia
    Leolaia

    Hi Pete,

    I don't know if I quite have your point of view (especially since I haven't read what you have read), and I'm going to depart from it anyway, but let's presume for the sake of argument that the Cephas that Paul knew is indeed the Peter of Acts and church tradition (e.g. the first who saw the resurrected Christ and who later evangelized in Syria and Asia Minor), but this guy (let's just call him "Cephas") was a separate fellow from the "Simon" of the Gospels who himself masks a female character in an early novelistic story about Jesus who was the jealous wife of Jesus who betrayed him, denied him, and yada yada yada. Then, before the current Gospels were written, the Cephas-Peter person was identified with this fictional character and a new character, Judas Iscariot, was created to handle the betrayal part. Is that close enough? The problem, again, is that the Betrayal story centrally involved Judas and not anyone else because the story was lifted from the tale of Judah (Judas) and Joseph in Genesis. Moreover, the various pericopes that were stitched together to form the Passion narrative of Jesus' arrest, trial, and execution were based exegetical traditions of a wholly different nature and origin than the miracle stories (like the resurrection of Lazarus), and thus I would view it very unlikely that an "original novelistic narrative" can be reconstructed from these heterogenous traditions that originally had little to do with each other. Furthermore, the composition of such a romance strikes me as literarily foreign to the early gospel literature where the emphasis was promulgating Jesus' words and deeds -- even in the case of the passion narrative, the point was not to write a Greek-style tragedy but to prove how Jesus fulfilled prophecy to become the promised Christ. Even the gnostic interest in Mary's relationship with Jesus in the Gospel of Philip and the Gospel of Mary is marginal and incidental to overall story; it exists only to validate the reliability of Mary's relevation through her personal relationship -- it is the secret knowledge she imparts that is of focal interest.

    Your interpretation of the Lazarus story tries to reconstruct from it the original version involving a resurrection of Mary Magdalene, but the reconstruction involves secondary elements (e.g. the proper names, the conversations between Jesus and Martha) that could not have been original to the story. This is knowable because an independent version of the same story is found in Secret Mark and bits from it are also scattered throughout the canonical Gospel of Mark (which itself is an abridged version of Secret Mark). Secret Mark shares a few striking features with John 11 (such as the locale in Bethany, the sister of the deceased man beseeching Jesus, and the motif of love between Jesus and the man he resurrects), but it cannot be dependent on John 11 because there are no traces of the rather extensive Johannine redaction and it also contains many other elements (such as the man being rich, as well as naked except for a linen cloth, Jesus teaching him secret knowledge, etc.) missing in the Johannine version. The two stories, then, derive independently from a common (likely oral) source, each reflecting their own idiosyncratic adaptations.

    I suspect though that the story in Secret Mark is closer to the original version. The resurrected person in Secret Mark is the same "young man" who appears in Mark 10:17-22 and 14:51-52, and like Lazarus, Jesus is said to "love him" (Mark 10:21; John 11:36). The miracle story probably derived originally from a parable (similar to how the Parable of the Sower inspired the Abundant Harvest miracle story in Infancy Thomas 12:1-2), specifically the Parable of the Rich Fool. This is a parable, incidentally, that is missing from Mark and Q and occurs only in Luke and the Gospel of Thomas:

    "The land of a rich man brought forth plentifully and he thought to himself, 'What shall I do, for I have nowhere to store my crops?' And he said, 'I will do this: I will pull down my barns, and build larger ones; and there I will store all my grain and my goods. And I will say to my soul, "Soul, you have ample goods laid up for many years; take your ease, eat, drink, and be merry." ' But God said to him, 'Fool! This night your soul is required of you, and the things you have prepared, whose will they be?' So is he who lays up treasure for himself, and is not rich toward God." (Luke 12:16-21)
    "There was a rich man who had much money. He said, 'I shall put my money to use so that I may sow, reap, plant, and fill my storehouse with produce, with the result that I shall lack nothing.' Such were his intentions, but that same night he died." (Gospel of Thomas 63:1)

    The "young man" that died in the Secret Mark story was specified as "rich," and this is confirmed in the fact that he had his own "tomb" (note that Lazarus in John 11 also has a "tomb," implying he was rich as well). Now just a few verses earlier in Secret Mark we read about a "rich young man" who asked Jesus what he needed to do "to inherit eternal life" (cf. Mark 10:17-22; Matthew 19:16-22). Jesus instructs him to sell everything and give his money to poor and he would be saved, but the youth turns away sad because he has a lot of money and he cannot part with it. Jesus then tells his disciples how hard it is for those with riches to enter the Kingdom of God, and his disciples ask him if anyone at all then could be saved. Jesus tells them: "For men it is impossible, but not for God because everything is possible for God" (cf. Mark 10:27). Then just a few verses later, the rich youth dies. By raising him back to life, Jesus proves that indeed all things are possible with God (in the Johannine version, Jesus similarly says: "Whatever you ask of God, God will give you," John 11:22). In this light, the miracle story would be a dramatization of the parable with a "happy ending," furnishing Jesus with the grandest of miracles (proving his supernatural power over Hades) and illustrating how indeed "everything is possible with God".

    Another hint that the story originated in the parable tradition may be found in the Johannine version, where the deceased man is named as Lazarus (John 11:1). This name occurs elsewhere only in the Parable of Rich Man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31), and this story shares some curious links with the Parable of the Rich Fool and the miracle story derived from it. Here we find the same two themes juxtaposed together: wealth in the figure of the "rich man" and death, which results in the man's loss of his wealth. The "rich man" is also dressed in "fine linen," which recalls the linen cloth the youth wore in Secret Mark (cf. also Mark 14:51-52). The "sumptuous feasting" mentioned in the Rich Man and Lazarus parable also recalls the intent to "eat, drink, and be merry" in the Rich Fool parable (Luke 16:19; 12:19). But most strikingly, the rich man in the parable desires to be "raised from the dead" (Luke 16:27-31) whereas the rich man in the miracle story is indeed raised from the dead. There is even a remote possibility that the Rich Man and Lazarus parable was composed to relate what happened to the rich man while he was dead before Jesus resurrected him. The switch from Lazarus being the name of the pauper to the name of the rich man is an interesting complexity, and might have something to do with the fact that the protagonist of the parable was the pauper whereas the protagonist of the miracle story was a rich man.

    Since the subject of the Parable of the Rich Fool, the Parable of Rich Man and Lazarus, the Secret Mark resurrection pericope, and the Gospel of John resurrection pericope were all rich men, I don't see how the original subject of the story could be identified as Mary Magdalene -- especially since the Mary character in the John 11 version (who, incidentally, is presented as another Mary) is likely a secondary element and not part of the earliest stratum of the story.

    As for the possibility of pagan, especially Egyptian, influence, this seems quite plausible considering that the Johannine version functions as the climax to the Semeia Source incorporated into GJohn, and the first miracle in the collection -- the wine miracle at the wedding feast of Cana (John 2:1-11) -- quite transparently borrows the motif from the Greek god Dionysos. Not all the miracles can be similarly traceable; the fourth miracle of the catenae, the feeding of the multitude, derives clearly from 2 Kings 4:42-44. The Horus-Osiris parallels are genuine, but I would find it far more likely that the influence was indirect -- through motifs drawn from mystery cults -- rather than direct. This is where I react with dubiousness towards the posited etymology of Lazarus from a purported El-Azarus as some sort of attested version of El-Osiris, though I haven't yet seen any attested examples of this name (with the El-Azarus spelling) from ancient sources. Do you have any citations? The actual etymology of the name, as far as I know, involves Hebrew Eleazar which in the Septuagint and Josephus is often rendered Eleazaros [< Elazaros < Lazaros] (cf. 2 Maccabees 6:18). The etymological meaning of the name as "God helps" is especially fitting for the resurrection story, particularly in light of John 11:22 saying that "God will give to you whatever you ask of [him]."

  • gumby
    gumby

    So you mean to tell me that all this damn time, the catholic church has based their entire apostolic successions on a psuedo man named Peter, who wasn't the man we thought he was? Damn! I'm taking my rosary down to the cathedrial tomarrow, and wrapping it around "the fathers" neck........that lying bastard!

    Gumby

  • robhic
    robhic

    This is more a fringe-related topic than anything. I am reading a book about the "Lost Scriptures" and in it some ancient works from Christianity's beginning and early centuries are discussed. Some were recently discovered and others were known, just disregarded.

    Now some of these Epistles/Letters/Gospels/ Apocalypses were included in the early bible. After they were later removed, did they become "un-inspired" writings? Like being taken out of what eventually became the bible we have today removed their pedigree? If all writings of the bible are supposedly inspired, what makes some better then others? And "inspired" also doesn't mean "dictated" so I've always thought that that left a whole lot or room for human error and bias.

    The final form of today's bible wasn't completed for a few centuries (I think?) so how do previously inspired writings get tossed and other inspired writings make the cut? I thought this thread with you who seem obviously well-schooled in these matters might be good place to get some intelligent opinions.

    Thanks,

    Robert

  • jgnat
    jgnat

    I enjoyed this thread, Leoalia, though I am not sure if I can add anything intelligent. Just as five witnesses can give a different account of the same car accident, the farther we get from history, the less reliable the telling. Even less reliable is the scholarly dissection of those witness statements 2000 years later.

  • peacefulpete
    peacefulpete

    Leolaia..You may be right. and again I pose this as merely a piece of the puzzle needing to fit the others. However the exegetical use and reuse of the separate resurrection and arrest stories has little to do with the original context they were found in. The novel-like origin of some of these is not as improbable as it may seem. Sponge Brown and a host of others see the overall layout of the Mattean gospel as written in theatrical stayle with intention of reinactment. The relationship of Acts/Luke to Homeric literature has been observed for years. While these are not directly related they demonstrate the use of novel type structure. Also the idea of the arrest story derived from OT midrash is not necessarily imcompatible with an earlier second source from a novel-like unrelated source likely understood allegorically. They are complementary if viewed as layers in the developement of the story. I agree of course with the Horus tale not necessarily being directly sourced for the two to be related motifs. Kind of like the Matrix and Jesus stories. (tho the details seem to suggest access to the egyptian)

    This is possibly the best answer. The Egyptian motif was overlain on an existing tale of resurrection for both political and exegetical reasons. Mary M that lover had to go and the resurrrection doctrine literalized thru the inclusion of additional temporal details. I recently read the translation of the Horus El Osiris story and can provide a link later. The El Azarus form has not been explained other than it being a phonetic Semitism, with the E being later dropped to Lazarus. i can not speak of the accurateness of this as I know nothing about languges that I have not read from others. It would seem possible to prove as Osiris must have been refered to in jewish literature. Tho i have no idea where to look.

    We're not really disagreeing we are seeing different angles.

  • peacefulpete
    peacefulpete

    I meant to add the thought about the use of existing OT or Pagan myth as framwork for rewriting of source stories, that this no doubt added weight and familiarity to the rewritten form. Your reference to Judah being the model for the Judas arrest story is very likely true. This however does not suggest that the story was not a rewrite of an earlier arrest story that had a woman (Martha?) as the betrayer. (kiss very tenderly..... what are you doing here? Matt 26:49,50) This seems to contradict the rewrite that Jesus foreknew the arrest that night and that judas in the image of Judah was the betrayer.

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