The Arian allegation that Trinitarian theology relies on a verbal sleight-of-hand—treating Christ as an angel when convenient and not an angel when inconvenient—fundamentally misrepresents both the biblical text and the theological tradition it accuses of inconsistency. At the heart of this misunderstanding lies the Greek term angelos (and its Hebrew counterpart mal'akh), which translates to “messenger.” In both linguistic and scriptural contexts, this word denotes a function rather than a fixed ontological category. The Bible employs it flexibly, applying it to created spiritual beings like Michael, who serve as God’s emissaries in the heavenly court, and to the eternal Son, who, before His incarnation, manifests as God’s visible envoy in Old Testament theophanies. Far from being an equivocation, this dual usage reflects a coherent distinction that Trinitarian theology upholds and that early Christian thinkers, including Clement of Alexandria, carefully preserve.
Clement’s discussion in The Instructor (Paedagogus), Book I, Chapter 7, offers a key example of this distinction in action. Surveying the history of divine revelation, he describes how the Logos, the eternal Word, guided Israel under the old covenant through a pedagogy of fear. In this role, Clement notes, the Word “was an angel”—not in the sense of being a created being, but as God’s messenger delivering divine instruction to His people. With the arrival of the new covenant, this same Logos “has appeared” in the flesh as Jesus, shifting the divine approach from fear to love. This statement does not imply that the Logos is a creature; rather, it highlights a functional role in God’s self-revelation, first veiled in theophanic encounters and later fully disclosed in the incarnation. Clement reinforces this interpretation just two chapters earlier in Book I, Chapter 3, where he writes that the Lord “ministers all good to us both as God and as man; as God forgiving sins and as man training us not to sin.” This attribution of divine prerogatives—forgiving sins, a power reserved for God alone in Jewish theology, and receiving worship—directly contradicts the Arian notion of a subordinate, created Logos. Clement’s theology aligns with the Trinitarian affirmation of the Son’s full deity, not the Arian reduction of Christ to a mere creature. By situating the “angel” reference within the context of divine theophanies, Clement aligns with the mainstream Christian tradition, which identifies the “Angel of the LORD” as the pre-incarnate Christ, not a creature like Michael. The Arian attempt to isolate the “angel” metaphor from Clement’s broader theological framework distorts his intent and misrepresents the early Christian consensus.
This perspective is not unique to Clement but echoes across the pre-Nicene Christian tradition. Ignatius of Antioch, writing around 110 AD, repeatedly calls Christ “our God” in his Letter to the Ephesians (Chapter 7), describing Him as “God existing in flesh,” both “made and not made.” Justin Martyr, around 150 AD, in his Dialogue with Trypho (Chapter 56), identifies the “Angel of the LORD” in Old Testament appearances as the pre-incarnate Logos, distinct from created angels, and inherently divine. Irenaeus of Lyons, writing around 180 AD in Against Heresies (Book IV, Chapter 20), asserts that the Son is “eternally with the Father,” co-equal and uncreated. These early voices form a theocentric and incarnational consensus, not an angelocentric one, demonstrating that the divinity of the Son was a foundational belief long before Arius challenged it. When Arius, in the early 4th century, proposed that the Son was a created being, subordinate to the Father, he introduced a novelty that diverged from this established tradition. The fierce resistance to Arianism, culminating in the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD, arose not from mere politics but from a theological necessity: if the Son is not fully God, the worship offered to Him in Christian liturgy becomes idolatrous, and His mediation of salvation—reconciling humanity to God—lacks divine efficacy.
The biblical texts undergirding this tradition draw a clear line between the Son and created angels, further dismantling the Arian claim. The “Angel of the LORD” in Old Testament narratives, such as Genesis 16:7-13, Exodus 3:2-6, and Judges 13:18-22, consistently acts with divine authority. In Exodus 3, this figure appears in the burning bush, declares “I am the God of your father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob,” and prompts Moses to hide his face in reverent fear of God. In Judges 13, the “Angel” reveals a name too wonderful to comprehend and accepts worship, actions forbidden to created beings under penalty of blasphemy. By contrast, Michael, the archangel, is portrayed in Daniel 10:13 as “one of the chief princes,” a finite being among others of his kind. In Jude 9, Michael defers judgment to God, saying “The Lord rebuke you,” and in Revelation 12:7, he leads a host of angels in battle but never receives worship or claims divinity. The Epistle to the Hebrews, particularly in Chapter 1, cements this distinction by placing the Son on the side of the Creator—“the radiance of God’s glory and the exact representation of His being”—while relegating all angels to the role of “ministering spirits” who worship Him. To conflate Jesus with Michael, as some Arian interpretations might suggest, obliterates this canonical boundary and undermines the text’s explicit emphasis on the Son’s supremacy over all creation.
Thus, the Arian question—“When is an angel not an angel?”—finds a straightforward answer in Trinitarian theology without resorting to verbal trickery. When angelos refers to a created entity like Michael, it describes a finite, spiritual creature fulfilling a messenger’s role. When it applies to the eternal Logos, as in the “Angel of the LORD,” it designates the uncreated Son temporarily acting as God’s envoy, without any compromise to His divine nature. This is not a manipulation of terms but a recognition of the semantic flexibility inherent in the biblical language itself. Clement, the Scriptures, and the early Christian tradition unanimously affirm the Son’s divinity, viewing Him as worthy of worship and co-equal with the Father. The Trinitarian position honors this witness, maintaining that the Son is adored as God because He is, eternally and unchangeably, of the same divine essence as the Father. Far from a sleight-of-hand, this doctrine reflects a consistent and historically grounded interpretation of both Scripture and the faith delivered by the early Church.
The claim that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity is a late borrowing from earlier pagan triads rests on superficial resemblances and ignores the radically different conceptual worlds in which those systems operate. Sumerian, Egyptian, Greco-Roman and Hindu religions certainly speak of groups of three deities, but in every case the three are discrete gods who merely cooperate or form a celestial family, not one indivisible being who eternally subsists in three co-equal, co-eternal persons sharing a single undivided essence. In Egyptian theology Osiris, Isis and Horus remain ontologically separate; in classical Hinduism Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Śiva are three hypostases of an impersonal Brahman that itself is expressed through countless other manifestations. By contrast, Christian Trinitarianism is a development internal to Second-Temple Jewish monotheism: it preserves the uncompromising confession that “the LORD is one” (Dt 6:4) while recognizing that the one God is eternally Father, Son and Spirit. The decisive difference is metaphysical—Trinitarianism is concerned with the unity-of-being problem inside strict monotheism; pagan triads never attempt to solve that problem because they are not monotheistic in the first place.
The further assertion that the doctrine stands or falls with the historicity of Jesus, whose existence is said to be unverified, collapses against the consensus of contemporary critical scholarship. Seven undisputed Pauline letters, written within twenty-five years of Jesus’ death, presuppose his public ministry, crucifixion under Pilate and post-mortem appearances (1 Cor 15:3-8). These texts are independent of the later Gospels and are cited by scholars of every ideological stripe as primary data. Outside the New Testament, Tacitus (Annals 15.44) and the most widely accepted stratum of Josephus (Ant. 18.63-64) confirm the execution of “Christus” under Pilate and the continuance of his movement in the first century. The question is therefore not whether Jesus existed—virtually no credentialed historian denies this—but what explanatory framework best accounts for the rise of a community that worships him as “Lord” while remaining convinced that they have not abandoned Jewish monotheism. The earliest Christian answer is already visible in the high Christology of Paul (Phil 2:5-11; 1 Cor 8:6), in the Fourth Gospel’s Logos theology (John 1:1-18) and in the Spirit-Christ-Father benediction that closes the earliest preserved sermon-letter, 2 Corinthians 13:14. These texts pre-date the fourth-century councils by centuries and show that the raw materials of Trinitarian belief arise organically within the first generation of Christianity.
Pagan derivation theories also falter on the decisive role played by Scripture in the fourth-century debates. At Nicaea (AD 325) the term homoousios—“of the same substance”—was adopted precisely because the party defending Christ’s full deity, led by Athanasius, found that every attempt to express the New Testament’s teaching solely in biblical phrases was being reinterpreted by Arius to deny the Son’s co-eternity. The Nicene bishops therefore chose a non-biblical adjective to safeguard the manifest witness of the biblical text. Athanasius defended the term’s use by arguing from Scripture, not by appealing to any pagan precedent. Far from importing foreign mythology, the council used philosophical language as a fence to protect the narrative and doxological claims already embedded in the apostolic writings.
The suggestion that Genesis 1:27, 5:3 and 9:6 dictate a unitarian concept of God misunderstands the analogical logic of the imago Dei. Humankind is said to be made “in” or “according to” God’s image; analogical likeness does not imply identical ontology. To reason backwards from human singular personhood to divine singular personhood would invalidate biblical data that present a complex unity in God, such as the Old Testament “Word,” “Wisdom” and “Spirit” motifs, and the New Testament’s integrated worship of Father, Son and Spirit. Moreover, the image language functions in these texts to ground human dignity and accountability, not to supply a metaphysical definition of divine identity.
Finally, the charge that the resurrection is mythical overlooks the cumulative historical argument for the empty tomb, post-mortem appearances and the origin of the disciples’ belief. The unity of these three phenomena is most convincingly explained if Jesus was in fact raised; alternative hypotheses—hallucination, legend, deliberate fraud—fail to account for the transformation of skeptical individuals such as James and Paul or for the remarkable early consensus that resurrection, not mere immortality, had occurred in the midst of history. Granted the resurrection, the exaltation of Christ to the sphere of divine identity follows, as shown by the earliest Christian worship practices documented in pagan sources such as Pliny’s letter to Trajan (c. AD 112), where believers “sing hymns to Christ as to a god.”
Trinitarian theology therefore cannot be dismissed as a late pagan accretion. It represents the church’s sustained exegetical reflection on the revelation of God in Christ and the Spirit, under the pressure of maintaining Jewish monotheism while honoring the divine prerogatives ascribed to Jesus. The intellectual vocabulary of the councils was drawn from contemporary philosophical resources, but the content it expressed was hammered out in continuous dialogue with the biblical texts and against the resistance of rival proposals that could not do justice to the apostolic witness. The result is not mythology but a coherent account of God that arises from, and remains accountable to, the historical and textual foundations of the Christian faith.