The Arian allegation that Trinitarian theology relies on a
verbal sleight-of-hand—treating Christ as an angel when convenient and not an
angel when inconvenient—fundamentally misrepresents both the biblical text and
the theological tradition it accuses of inconsistency. At the heart of this
misunderstanding lies the Greek term angelos (and its Hebrew counterpart
mal'akh), which translates to “messenger.” In both linguistic and
scriptural contexts, this word denotes a function rather than a fixed
ontological category. The Bible employs it flexibly, applying it to created
spiritual beings like Michael, who serve as God’s emissaries in the heavenly
court, and to the eternal Son, who, before His incarnation, manifests as God’s
visible envoy in Old Testament theophanies. Far from being an equivocation,
this dual usage reflects a coherent distinction that Trinitarian theology upholds
and that early Christian thinkers, including Clement of Alexandria, carefully
preserve.
Clement’s discussion in The Instructor (Paedagogus),
Book I, Chapter 7, offers a key example of this distinction in action.
Surveying the history of divine revelation, he describes how the Logos, the
eternal Word, guided Israel under the old covenant through a pedagogy of fear.
In this role, Clement notes, the Word “was an angel”—not in the sense of being
a created being, but as God’s messenger delivering divine instruction to His
people. With the arrival of the new covenant, this same Logos “has appeared” in
the flesh as Jesus, shifting the divine approach from fear to love. This
statement does not imply that the Logos is a creature; rather, it highlights a
functional role in God’s self-revelation, first veiled in theophanic encounters
and later fully disclosed in the incarnation. Clement reinforces this
interpretation just two chapters earlier in Book I, Chapter 3, where he writes
that the Lord “ministers all good to us both as God and as man; as God
forgiving sins and as man training us not to sin.” This attribution of divine
prerogatives—forgiving sins, a power reserved for God alone in Jewish theology,
and receiving worship—directly contradicts the Arian notion of a subordinate,
created Logos. Clement’s theology aligns with the Trinitarian affirmation of
the Son’s full deity, not the Arian reduction of Christ to a mere creature. By situating the “angel” reference within the context of divine theophanies, Clement aligns with the mainstream Christian tradition, which identifies the “Angel of the LORD” as the pre-incarnate Christ, not a creature like Michael. The Arian attempt to isolate the “angel” metaphor from Clement’s broader theological framework distorts his intent and misrepresents the early Christian consensus.
This perspective is not unique to Clement but echoes across
the pre-Nicene Christian tradition. Ignatius of Antioch, writing around 110 AD,
repeatedly calls Christ “our God” in his Letter to the Ephesians
(Chapter 7), describing Him as “God existing in flesh,” both “made and not
made.” Justin Martyr, around 150 AD, in his Dialogue with Trypho (Chapter
56), identifies the “Angel of the LORD” in Old Testament appearances as the
pre-incarnate Logos, distinct from created angels, and inherently divine.
Irenaeus of Lyons, writing around 180 AD in Against Heresies (Book IV,
Chapter 20), asserts that the Son is “eternally with the Father,” co-equal and
uncreated. These early voices form a theocentric and incarnational consensus,
not an angelocentric one, demonstrating that the divinity of the Son was a
foundational belief long before Arius challenged it. When Arius, in the early
4th century, proposed that the Son was a created being, subordinate to the
Father, he introduced a novelty that diverged from this established tradition.
The fierce resistance to Arianism, culminating in the Council of Nicaea in 325
AD, arose not from mere politics but from a theological necessity: if the Son
is not fully God, the worship offered to Him in Christian liturgy becomes
idolatrous, and His mediation of salvation—reconciling humanity to God—lacks
divine efficacy.
The biblical texts undergirding this tradition draw a clear
line between the Son and created angels, further dismantling the Arian claim.
The “Angel of the LORD” in Old Testament narratives, such as Genesis 16:7-13,
Exodus 3:2-6, and Judges 13:18-22, consistently acts with divine authority. In
Exodus 3, this figure appears in the burning bush, declares “I am the God of
your father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob,” and
prompts Moses to hide his face in reverent fear of God. In Judges 13, the
“Angel” reveals a name too wonderful to comprehend and accepts worship, actions
forbidden to created beings under penalty of blasphemy. By contrast, Michael,
the archangel, is portrayed in Daniel 10:13 as “one of the chief princes,” a
finite being among others of his kind. In Jude 9, Michael defers judgment to
God, saying “The Lord rebuke you,” and in Revelation 12:7, he leads a host of
angels in battle but never receives worship or claims divinity. The Epistle to
the Hebrews, particularly in Chapter 1, cements this distinction by placing the
Son on the side of the Creator—“the radiance of God’s glory and the exact
representation of His being”—while relegating all angels to the role of
“ministering spirits” who worship Him. To conflate Jesus with Michael, as some
Arian interpretations might suggest, obliterates this canonical boundary and
undermines the text’s explicit emphasis on the Son’s supremacy over all
creation.
Thus, the Arian question—“When is an angel not an
angel?”—finds a straightforward answer in Trinitarian theology without
resorting to verbal trickery. When angelos refers to a created entity
like Michael, it describes a finite, spiritual creature fulfilling a
messenger’s role. When it applies to the eternal Logos, as in the “Angel of the
LORD,” it designates the uncreated Son temporarily acting as God’s envoy, without
any compromise to His divine nature. This is not a manipulation of terms but a
recognition of the semantic flexibility inherent in the biblical language
itself. Clement, the Scriptures, and the early Christian tradition unanimously
affirm the Son’s divinity, viewing Him as worthy of worship and co-equal with
the Father. The Trinitarian position honors this witness, maintaining that the
Son is adored as God because He is, eternally and unchangeably, of the same
divine essence as the Father. Far from a sleight-of-hand, this doctrine
reflects a consistent and historically grounded interpretation of both
Scripture and the faith delivered by the early Church.
The claim
that the Christian doctrine of the Trinity is a late borrowing from earlier
pagan triads rests on superficial resemblances and ignores the radically
different conceptual worlds in which those systems operate. Sumerian, Egyptian,
Greco-Roman and Hindu religions certainly speak of groups of three deities, but
in every case the three are discrete gods who merely cooperate or form a
celestial family, not one indivisible being who eternally subsists in three
co-equal, co-eternal persons sharing a single undivided essence. In Egyptian
theology Osiris, Isis and Horus remain ontologically separate; in classical
Hinduism Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Śiva are three hypostases of an impersonal Brahman that itself is
expressed through countless other manifestations. By contrast, Christian
Trinitarianism is a development internal to Second-Temple Jewish monotheism: it
preserves the uncompromising confession that “the LORD is one” (Dt 6:4) while recognizing
that the one God is eternally Father, Son and Spirit. The decisive difference
is metaphysical—Trinitarianism is concerned with the unity-of-being problem
inside strict monotheism; pagan triads never attempt to solve that problem
because they are not monotheistic in the first place.
The further
assertion that the doctrine stands or falls with the historicity of Jesus,
whose existence is said to be unverified, collapses against the consensus of
contemporary critical scholarship. Seven undisputed Pauline letters, written
within twenty-five years of Jesus’ death, presuppose his public ministry,
crucifixion under Pilate and post-mortem appearances (1 Cor 15:3-8). These
texts are independent of the later Gospels and are cited by scholars of every
ideological stripe as primary data. Outside the New Testament, Tacitus (Annals
15.44) and the most widely accepted stratum of Josephus (Ant. 18.63-64) confirm
the execution of “Christus” under Pilate and the continuance of his movement in
the first century. The question is therefore not whether Jesus
existed—virtually no credentialed historian denies this—but what explanatory
framework best accounts for the rise of a community that worships him as “Lord”
while remaining convinced that they have not abandoned Jewish monotheism. The
earliest Christian answer is already visible in the high Christology of Paul
(Phil 2:5-11; 1 Cor 8:6), in the Fourth Gospel’s Logos theology (John 1:1-18)
and in the Spirit-Christ-Father benediction that closes the earliest preserved
sermon-letter, 2 Corinthians 13:14. These texts pre-date the fourth-century
councils by centuries and show that the raw materials of Trinitarian belief
arise organically within the first generation of Christianity.
Pagan
derivation theories also falter on the decisive role played by Scripture in the
fourth-century debates. At Nicaea (AD 325) the term homoousios—“of the
same substance”—was adopted precisely because the party defending Christ’s full
deity, led by Athanasius, found that every attempt to express the New
Testament’s teaching solely in biblical phrases was being reinterpreted by
Arius to deny the Son’s co-eternity. The Nicene bishops therefore chose a
non-biblical adjective to safeguard the manifest witness of the biblical text.
Athanasius defended the term’s use by arguing from Scripture, not by appealing
to any pagan precedent. Far from importing foreign mythology, the council used
philosophical language as a fence to protect the narrative and doxological
claims already embedded in the apostolic writings.
The
suggestion that Genesis 1:27, 5:3 and 9:6 dictate a unitarian concept of God
misunderstands the analogical logic of the imago Dei. Humankind is said to be
made “in” or “according to” God’s image; analogical likeness does not imply
identical ontology. To reason backwards from human singular personhood to
divine singular personhood would invalidate biblical data that present a
complex unity in God, such as the Old Testament “Word,” “Wisdom” and “Spirit”
motifs, and the New Testament’s integrated worship of Father, Son and Spirit.
Moreover, the image language functions in these texts to ground human dignity
and accountability, not to supply a metaphysical definition of divine identity.
Finally,
the charge that the resurrection is mythical overlooks the cumulative
historical argument for the empty tomb, post-mortem appearances and the origin
of the disciples’ belief. The unity of these three phenomena is most
convincingly explained if Jesus was in fact raised; alternative
hypotheses—hallucination, legend, deliberate fraud—fail to account for the
transformation of skeptical individuals such as James and Paul or for the
remarkable early consensus that resurrection, not mere immortality, had
occurred in the midst of history. Granted the resurrection, the exaltation of
Christ to the sphere of divine identity follows, as shown by the earliest
Christian worship practices documented in pagan sources such as Pliny’s letter
to Trajan (c. AD 112), where believers “sing hymns to Christ as to a god.”
Trinitarian
theology therefore cannot be dismissed as a late pagan accretion. It represents
the church’s sustained exegetical reflection on the revelation of God in Christ
and the Spirit, under the pressure of maintaining Jewish monotheism while honoring
the divine prerogatives ascribed to Jesus. The intellectual vocabulary of the
councils was drawn from contemporary philosophical resources, but the content
it expressed was hammered out in continuous dialogue with the biblical texts
and against the resistance of rival proposals that could not do justice to the
apostolic witness. The result is not mythology but a coherent account of God
that arises from, and remains accountable to, the historical and textual
foundations of the Christian faith.
FYI: Did the Trinity Come from Paganism?