@slimboyfat
The NT presents a coherent and internally consistent theology of Christ’s cultic status that cannot be flattened into the sub-divine categories proposed in contemporary Arian restorations such as those circulated by the Watch Tower Society. Central to this debate is the semantic and theological weight of προσκυνέω (proskuneō) and λατρεύω (latreuō), as well as the canonical pattern of doxological coordination in which the Father and the Son are yoked under a single divine sovereignty. When the relevant texts are allowed to speak in their own literary and historical context, three conclusions emerge: (1) the early Christian writers consciously ascribed to Jesus the worship reserved in Second-Temple Judaism for the one God of Israel; (2) the Watch Tower’s lexical strategy—rendering proskuneō as “obeisance” whenever Jesus is the recipient—represents a theologically motivated mistranslation; and (3) the doctrinal trajectory of the Society itself confirms that its current negation of Christ-directed worship is a late innovation, rather than a recovery of apostolic practice.
Hebrews opens the discussion by framing the Son’s identity against the backdrop of Israel’s strictly monotheistic confession. The entire catena of OT quotations in chapter 1 culminates in the Father’s decree: “Let all the angels of God proskuneō Him” (Heb 1:6). No linguistic contortion can evade the force of the verb. Within Hebrews the angels are λειτουργικὰ πνεύματα, subordinate ministers who render service; they are nowhere depicted as objects of cultic honor. Conversely, the Son is enthroned, addressed as “God,” and acclaimed as the eternal creator whose scepter of righteousness anchors the cosmos. By commanding the heavenly host to worship the Firstborn, the author transfers to Jesus the prerogative that Deuteronomy and Isaiah reserve for YHWH alone. The text does not merely tolerate reverence for Christ; it demands it as the fitting response of the entire supernatural order.
The Apocalypse of John intensifies the pattern. In the throne-room vision of chapters 4–5 the same concentric liturgy that crescendos in hymns to the Creator is repeated verbatim in honor of the Lamb. Whereas proskuneō might in some settings denote courtly homage, Revelation removes all ambiguity by embedding the Lamb within the divinely occupied throne, assigning to Him the seven-horned omnipotence and seven-eyed omniscience that define God’s exhaustive sovereignty, and receiving from every creature “the blessing and the honor and the glory and the dominion for ever and ever” (Rev 5:13). The claim that verse 13 reflects merely relative honor collapses on grammatical and canonical grounds. John employs the singular pronouns “Him” and “His” while explicitly naming both “God” and “the Lamb,” signaling not a division of worship but a shared divine identity. Throughout the book attempts by humans or angels to receive worship are rebuked, whereas the Lamb’s reception of universal praise is narrated as the final act of unpolluted eschatological worship.
The lexical objection—that proskuneō is a neutral gesture of obeisance rather than worship—is linguistically unsustainable. Septuagintal usage repeatedly links proskuneō with sacrificial cult (e.g., Exod 20:5; 34:14) and distinguishes it from mere subservience by its exclusive orientation to deity. Early Jewish translators had at their disposal verbs such as προσπίπτω or κάμπτω to mark respectful bowing. Their consistent choice of proskuneō in monolatrous contexts reflects a theological judgment that the term entails recognition of deity. The Watch Tower’s own interlinear testament betrays the inconsistency: demons, the Beast, and even idols receive the rendering “worship,” whereas every Christological occurrence is down-graded to “obeisance.” Such selectivity cannot be justified philologically; it is a priori dogma imposed on the text.
Latreuō, the Watch Tower’s second line of defense, fares no better. The verb’s OT matrix evokes priestly service at the sanctuary, and its Christian transposition locates that service in the heavenly temple where “His servants shall latreuō Him; they shall see His face” (Rev 22:3–4). The singular pronoun again binds God and the Lamb as co-occupants of the one throne. Hebrew 9–10 explicitly contrasts earthly cultus, rendered obsolete, with the latreia Christ performs as High Priest in the true tabernacle. To argue that absence of the verb latreuō in reference to Jesus proves His ontological inferiority disregards the author’s logic: Christ does not receive priestly service because He Himself is the cosmic Priest who elicits the same worship directed to the Father.
Historical considerations reinforce the exegetical evidence. For more than six decades the Watch Tower literature openly encouraged prayer to and worship of Christ, and the Society’s 1945 charter defined one of its corporate purposes as “the public worship of Almighty God and Christ Jesus.” Only in 1954—subsequent to the release of the New World Translation—did the governing body reverse course, retroactively stigmatizing Christ-directed devotion as idolatry. This trajectory exposes the fragility of the Arian proposal: if worship of Christ were self-evidently illicit, how did the movement’s founders, editors, and legal charter uphold it for the greater part of their history without censure from the divine “channel”? The progressive diminution of the Son within Watch Tower theology reflects institutional revision, not apostolic continuity.
The earliest post-biblical witnesses corroborate the NT pattern. Ignatius, writing scarcely a decade after Revelation, speaks of “Jesus Christ our God” and envisions the church “singing with one voice a song to the Father through Jesus Christ.” Polycarp’s dying confession blesses Christ as the Paschal victim “through whom” glory is given to the Father. Such unselfconscious Christological devotion emerged within a rigorously monotheistic environment. It is explicable only on the premise that the earliest believers experienced the risen Jesus not as an exalted creature but as the embodied disclosure of Israel’s God.
The charge of “flowery nonsense” dissolves once the textual data are handled with the same precision demanded in any philological debate. Yes, the Old Greek of 1 Chronicles 29:20 does in fact employ προσκυνέω twice: καὶ προσεκύνησαν τῷ Κυρίῳ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ. My earlier point—perhaps expressed too tersely—was not that προσκυνέω is absent, but that its semantic force cannot be decided merely by noting the verb’s presence. In the Septuagint corpus προσκυνέω functions across a spectrum that ranges from courtly obeisance (Gen 33:3; 4 Kings 1:13 LXX) to exclusive cult directed to God (Exod 20:5; Isa 66:23). Distinguishing where a particular instance falls in that range requires attention to literary context, syntactic construction, and, crucially, the wider canonical theology that prohibits Israel from offering cultic worship to any figure other than YHWH.
First Chronicles 29 frames the scene as a dynastic acclamation: the assembly “blessed the LORD, the God of their fathers, and bowed low and prostrated themselves before the LORD and the king.” David, despite the conspicuous honor, neither receives sacrificial rites nor hears a doxology that conflates him with God. The narrative immediately records his handing the throne to Solomon and dying like all mortals (29:23–28), underscoring the qualitative gulf between royal homage and divine worship. Modern translations that render the second object “paid homage to the king” (NRSV, NJPS) or “prostrated themselves…before… the king” (NET) capture this differentiation not by denying that προσκυνέω appears, but by recognizing its elasticity.
The contrast with the NT cult of Christ is therefore not lexical but configurational. In Revelation 5 the heavenly liturgy places the Lamb on the divine throne, assigns to him the seven-horned omnipotence and seven-eyed omniscience that the same book attributes to God, and elicits from every creature a single ascription of εὐλογία, τιμή, δόξα, and κράτος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. No king of Israel—or of any other nation—is ever enthroned in that manner or enveloped in that form of universal doxology. The Lamb’s reception of worship is embedded in a narrative framework that otherwise prohibits angelolatry (Rev 19:10; 22:8-9) and idol worship. The conclusion drawn by the Seer’s first readers, steeped as they were in Jewish monolatry, was not that Jesus inhabits a lesser, civil sphere of honor but that he mysteriously shares the very prerogatives of the one God.
Consequently, the appeal to 1 Chronicles 29 does not advance an Arian construal of Christ. It merely reminds us that προσκυνέω is a polyvalent verb. What distinguishes the Johannine Lamb from David is not the presence or absence of that term but the narrative location in which it is deployed: a shared throne, a unified doxology, and the voluntary acquiescence of all creation. Those elements constitute worship in the strict sense that Second-Temple Jews reserved for YHWH alone. Lexical arithmetic cannot erase the theological architecture built into the text.
In sum, the linguistic, canonical, and historical data converge on a single verdict: the Son is to be worshipped. Any theology that demotes Christ to the status of archangel or created mediator must either excise or mistranslate swathes of Scripture, alter the liturgical voice of earliest Christianity, and retroject its own twentieth-century innovations onto the first century. The prophetic command still stands—“Kiss the Son lest he be angry”—and the doxology of the redeemed will eternally resound: “To Him who sits upon the throne, and to the Lamb, be blessing and honor and glory and dominion for ever and ever.”