Did Jesus Christ exist at all?

by Tyler 83 Replies latest watchtower bible

FreeofGuilt

I don't really know that Jesus exists because I have never had poof that he does. IN MY OPINION IT'S ALL A THEORY UNLESS PROVEN OTHERWISE. EVEN IF HE TOLD ME HE WAS JESUS, WOULD I BELIEVE HIM? NO- Who can prove to me that the Bible hasn't been changed or prove that anyone in the Bible existed? I know that there is alot of historical documentation, but I wasn't there to witness it- Just my thoughts- kristine
ThiChi
Passing this on:
Are these genuine references, or are there doubts about their veracity?
There are two quotes that mention Jesus in Josephus' Antiquities: A smaller and a larger one. Both of these have been targeted by the Jesus-myth circle as interpolations made by later Christian scribes. Wells [Well.WhoW, 21; Well.DidJ, 14] , for example, rejects the small passage as a partial interpolation or marginal gloss, as did Drews [Drew.WH, 10]. Stretching the polemic, Wells says that it is "widely admitted" that both this passage, and the larger one are interpolations. [Well.HistEv, 18] (Wells' "widely" estimation is quite a bit off. According to Feldman's discernible statistics [Feld.JosMod, 684-91] , 4 scholars regard the larger passage as completely genuine, 6 more as mostly genuine; 20 accept it with some interpolations, 9 with several interpolations; 13 regard it as being totally an interpolation as Wells does.) Twleftree [Twel.GosP5, 300] , offering an unusual view, rejects the smaller passage on rather thin terminological grounds, but strangely, accepts most of the larger passage as genuine! Needless to say, there is plenty of discussion about these passages, and we will only be able to touch the tip of the iceberg.
Let us begin in the natural place to start: By quoting the materials in question. Here is the first and smaller quote:
Antiquities 20.9.1 But the younger Ananus who, as we said, received the high priesthood, was of a bold disposition and exceptionally daring; he followed the party of the Sadducees, who are severe in judgment above all the Jews, as we have already shown. As therefore Ananus was of such a disposition, he thought he had now a good opportunity, as Festus was now dead, and Albinus was still on the road; so he assembled a council of judges, and brought before it the brother of Jesus the so-called Christ, whose name was James, together with some others, and having accused them as law-breakers, he delivered them over to be stoned.
It is the words "the so-called Christ" that are thought to be interpolated here - assuming that this passage is even noticed; some writers, I have observed, seem to forget that it exists! But let us consider the arguments for and against regarding this as an interpolation.
First, there is no textual evidence against this passage. It is found in every copy of the Antiquities we have [Meie.MarJ, 57]. This also applies to the larger passage. [ibid., 62] Some will assert as a counter that there was still sufficient time for an interpolation to occur and not enough textual evidence to prove that it didn't, but this amounts to an admission that the textual data, as it stands, favors authenticity. Anything beyond that in these terms is speculation and question-begging!
Second, there is a specific use of non-Christian terminology: The designation of James as the "brother of Jesus" contrasts with Christian practice of referring to him as the "brother of the Lord" or "brother of the Savior." (as in Gal. 1:19 in the NT and Eusebius in later history). The passage "squares neither with New Testament nor with early patristic usage." [ibid., 58]
In response to this Wells objects that "an interpolator might well have been aware that an orthodox Jewish writer could not possibly be represented as calling Jesus 'the Lord.' We do not have to assume that all interpolators went to work with more piety than sense." [Well.JesL, 53]
Wells' argument is refuted by the interpolations themselves. Evidence that interpolators did have "more piety than sense" is in fact found in the larger passage in Josephus itself, where an interpolator has Josephus confessing that Jesus is "the Christ." If an interpolator added this sort of sentiment, knowing that Josephus was an orthodox Jew, then certainly he (or another interpolator) would have been careless enough to refer to James as "the brother of the Lord," had this small passage been a forgery.
Third, we may note the emphasis of the passage. It is not on Jesus or even James, but on Ananus the high priest and the turbulence he caused. There is no praise for James or Jesus. This is not what we would expect if this were an interpolation. [Meie.MarJ, 58-9]
Fourth, Josephus' account of James being stoned is different from the account given by the church historian Hegesippus, who has James being thrown from the roof of the Temple. [ibid., 57] This would be an unlikely move for an interpolator.
Fifth, neither this passage nor the larger one connects Jesus with John the Baptist, as we would expect from a Christian interpolator.
The bulk of the evidence therefore favors highly the genuineness of this passage.
[Well.DidJ, 11] There is evidence of Christian influence here. In Greek the passage is the same as that in Matthew 1:16, where it is translated "him called Christ", without any expressed doubts.
France [Franc.EvJ] responds, however:
...Josephus' usage should be determined from Josephus, not from Matthew. The complete Concordance to Flavius Josephus translates legomenos as 'so-called' or 'alleged', and refers as an example to Josephus, Contra Apionen II 34, where he speaks of Alexandria as Apion's 'not birthplace, but alleged (birthplace)'. Even if legomenos does not necessarily carry this dismissive tone in our passage, it is hardly conceivable that a Christian interpolator could have been content with so non-committal a phrase.
Glenn Miller has further provided this information:
This J. ref seems to indicate the shift from title to name, as the standard Greek lexicon ABG indicates (s.v. "Christ"):
"the transition to sense 2 (personal name) is marked by certain passages in which Christos does not mean the Messiah in general (even when the ref. is to Jesus), but a very definite Messiah, Jesus, who now is called Christ not as a title but as a name"
This lexicon also points out that this form (as the passive of lego)is routinely understood in this sense, and actually cites a different passage from Josephus to illustrate this:
be called, named Mt 13:55; Hb 11:24. "ho legomenus" the so-called (Epict. 4, 1, 51: "so-called kings"; Socrat., Ep. 14, 7: "so-called Death") ...(Herm. Wr. 2, 14 the "so-called gods" in contrast to "the only God" Somewhat differently Josephus., Ant. 12, 125 ("Antiochus who is called 'god' by the Greeks")
Miller also provides indications from the Septuagint, Athanasius, and Eusebius of the use of this word in question. More important here is the usage within the NT, showing the term used in both a simple and a disparaging form:
First, some simple 'naming' ones:
"The first, Simon, who is called Peter (Mt 10.2)
"He answered, "The man who is called Jesus made clay, and anointed my eyes,(John 9.11)
"and also Jesus who is called Justus (Col 4.11)
Now, the disparaging:
"For even if there are so-called gods, whether in heaven or on earth (as indeed there are many "gods" and many "lords"),yet for us there is but one God (1 Cor 8.5)
"Therefore, remember that formerly you who are Gentiles by birth and called "uncircumcised" by those who call themselves "the circumcision" (Eph 2.11)
"Therefore when they were gathered together, Pilate said unto them, Whom will ye that I release unto you? Barabbas, or Jesus which is called Christ? 18For he knew that for envy they had delivered him. 19When he was set down on the judgment seat, his wife sent unto him, saying, Have thou nothing to do with that just man: for I have suffered many things this day in a dream because of him. 20But the chief priests and elders persuaded the multitude that they should ask Barabbas, and destroy Jesus. 21The governor answered and said unto them, Whether of the twain will ye that I release unto you? They said, Barabbas. 22Pilate saith unto them, What shall I do then with Jesus which is called Christ? They all say unto him, Let him be crucified." (Mt 27.17-22) [There should be little doubt about Pilate's skepticism about the messiahship of Jesus!]
Miller's key conclusions are as follows:
...in Josephus, it is either a non-committal record of what the public called Jesus (by that time), or a statement that reflects the transition from title to name (e.g. from "Jesus the Christ" to "Jesus Christ"), or a slightly disparaging reference (i.e. the 'so-called' Christ). [But note that the disparaging uses documented above ALWAYS occurred in an oppositional form--"a so-called X, not a REAL X".]
Matthew's use might reflect the simple naming aspect (i.e. identifying the Jesus of the genealogy) or maybe even making a point that a growing body of Jewry HAD recognized Jesus as the Christ. But it is more likely that Matthew is intending to actually assert more--that Jesus was REALLY the Christ, as he goes about to show in his gospel.
It is a sign of Christian interpolation that in the reference, Jesus is named first rather than James. A Christian scribe would have given Jesus the top mention.
One might ask in reply why Josephus could not also have given Jesus top billing, simply on the basis of Jesus being the more familiar of the two names! Furthermore, note who else Josephus refers to - not just James, but also "others". If the references were reversed, the result would be a bit clumsy: "As therefore Ananus was of such a disposition, he thought he had now a good opportunity, as Festus was now dead, and Albinus was still on the road; so he assembled a council of judges, and brought before it James the brother of Jesus the so-called Christ, together with some others, and having accused them as law-breakers, he delivered them over to be stoned." I cannot say whether sense would be made of this in Greek, but in our language at least this format would leave open the question as to whether Josephus meant that James was the "brother" of the others as well as Christ or James and the "others" were brought before the council. The passage as it now reads leaves no such possible ambiguity.
Objection: If Jesus did exist, we would expect Josephus to have mentioned Jesus more than once in his histories and to have said more about him. We would also have expected him to say something about Jesus in his other work, the War.
Of course, this presumes that our second reference is itself a complete interpolation, which we will show to be an unwarranted position in a moment! However, even beyond that, it presumes motives for Josephus that the objector should have knowledge of BEFORE tendering this as an objection. We must ask what it is specifically about Josephus that would make him want to write more about Jesus! More generally, regarding the amount of space Josephus devotes to Jesus (even including the larger passage), we may note the observation of Williamson [Willm.WorJos, 120] that for the entire period of 10 years around which Jesus died, Josephus devotes only "one small page" in his War, and six pages in the Antiquities. Therefore, it is actually quite significant that Josephus devotes any attention to Jesus at all, and the lack of mention in the War means nothing -- indeed, Van Voorst notes that "the Antiquities goes beyind the Jewish War at many points," not just this one [VanV.JONT, 88-8].
So now we turn to the second Josephus reference, the Testimonium Flavianum, as it is popularly called. The authenticity of the passage was first questioned in the 16th century; one of it's most significant detractors was the French skeptic Voltaire [Hada.FJos, 226] . The passage reads:
Antiquities 18.3.3 Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He was the Christ, and when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians so named from him are not extinct at this day.
That there are interpolations here is seldom questioned; very few scholars hold that the entirety of the passage is genuine, as we have noted in Feldman's statistics. On the other hand, we have the "total interpolation" view of G. A. Wells, who points out the many positive things that Josephus says about Jesus in the passage.
The middle ground here is certainly most reasonable. Charlesworth derides "scholars acting like formal logicians" who approach the text "with an either/or mentality." The same mentality keeps them from saying that Josephus could have said anything positive about Jesus without accepting His divinity and thus rejecting all of the nice things said about Jesus in the passage. This is clearly a wrong-headed approach which does not appreciate the possibility that while some Jews followed Jesus completely, others merely admired Him "for his honesty, charisma, integrity, and teachings." [Chars.JesJud, 92]
Elsewhere, Meier [Meie.MarJ2, 59] notes that the "total interpolation" position has its respectable defenders, but it is not a majority view. Among those he cites are Conzelmann, who sees the passage as totally an expression of Christian kerygma (though without substantiation), and Hermann, who regards the Testimonium, the short passage, AND the passage in Josephus about John the Baptist as Christian interpolations. Thackeray, whom Meier describes as the "former 'prince' of Jospehan scholars," formerly regarded the entire set of passages as a forgery, but later changed to the middle-ground view of partial interpolation. Mason [Maso.JosNT, 170-1] adds the comment that "Christian copyists were quite conservative in transmitting texts" and would have been committing "an act of unparalleled scribal audacity" by creating the Testimonium out of the whole cloth. Moreover, Christian copyists also handled the works of the Jewish historian Philo for hundreds of years; yet we have no Testimonium Philoum to wrangle over! (Wells in response notes that there are supposedly Christian interpolations in the Old Testament pseuduopigrapha. But this is far from established, and Wells does not even deal with the text-critical data and methods associated with identifying interpolations. [Well.JesL, 52] )
What are some of the reasons for accepting at least some part of this passage as genuine? We can suggest that some of it must be genuine, for it is identifiably in the style of Josephus [Meie.MarJ, 62-3] ; the opening phrase, "Now about this time..." is used regularly by Josephus to the point of nausea! Skeptics often counter by saying that someone could have simply imitated Josephus' writing style, an objection which, being unreasonable, has no reasonable answer. But for a complete answer, let's go down the passage a section at a time.
Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man,
The description of Jesus as a "wise man" cannot be rejected out of hand, for Josephus and other Jews could have regarded Jesus as a wise man without accepting His divinity - just as is the case with many people today. Josephus' language here (and throughout the passage, where it is not regarded as interpolated) is a "middle ground" between Christian acclaim of Jesus as divine and Jewish referral to Jesus as a magician and a deceiver -- against this spectrum, the words of Josephus are neutral and noncommital (and also parallel his treatment of John the Baptist). [VanV.JONT, 93, 98] Moreover, Josephus would have appreciated much of what Jesus said and did; he was not the same as the overzealous would-be militaristic Messiahs commonly opposed and defeated by the Romans. Though containing various subversive elements, Jesus' teachings of this sort were directed not against Josephus' Roman patrons, but against the Jewish establishment, and his miracles were never done with a "revolutionary" purpose in mind (like the pretender Theudas' promise to divide the Jordan do that his troops could pass, or the unnamed Egyptian's threat to knock down the walls of Jerusalem). Jesus never came close to this sort of activity (except in certain fantasy worlds attributed to the likes of Joel Carmichael), and even in his "threat" to the Temple a) was focussed on the Jewish establishment, not the Romans; and b) did not actually threaten the Temple himself - remember, the "threat" did not say WHO was going to knock the Temple down! So, as Charlesworth writes:
Jesus argued against the zealous revolutionaries and was not an apocalyptic fanatic; Jospehus would have admired this argument and position. Jesus uttered many wise and philosophical maxims and Josephus was fond of Jewish wisdom and of Greek philosophy. [Chars.JesJud, 97]
The second phrase, however, is questionable. It is sometimes rendered, "if indeed one ought to call him a man." Like the rest of the suspected interpolations, it is "parenthetically connected to the narrative" and "grammatically free and could easily have been inserted by a Christian." [ibid., 93] A Christian interpolator, moreover, would have considered the description of Jesus as merely "wise" to be insufficient, and so would want to add something else. [Meie.MarJ, 60] The passage is also not found in an Arabic citation of Josephus from the 10th century work Book of the Title, which was analyzed in 1971 by Hebrew University scholar Schlomo Pines [Cross.MedP, 373] and may represent a "more moderate attempt at Christianization of the original text."[Feld.JosJes, 340]. On another accounting, Twelftree [Twel.GosP5, 303] suggests that Josephus used the word "wise" in a suspicious or ironic manner.
The bottom line: The balance of the evidence points to authenticity for the first phrase, and gives moderate probability of inauthenticity to the second.
for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure.
The first phrase has also been rendered, "For he was one who performed surprising works, (and) a teacher of people who with pleasure received the unusual." The first phrase would hardly be used by a Christian to describe Jesus' miracles. The difference in translation is owed to the Greek word paradoxos, which can mean strange, surprising, or wonderful. Christian translators would naturally assume that Josephus meant the latter, where he more likely meant the second or first.
The second phrase was perhaps the subject of a mistranslation or change, replacing taethe (unusual, strange) with talethe (truth), although Meier regards this as an indulgent thing to suppose [Meie.MarJ, 85] and Feldman notes that the new word is not used elsewhere by Josephus [Feld.JosMod, 698] - neither of which is a compelling enough reason to outright reject the proposed terminology, but nor is there really any compelling reason to accept it. Neither phrase is in the Arabic version, but the reconstruction has found wide acceptance.
In addition, Meier [Meie.MarJ2, 76] offers speculation that the last phrase may not be complimentary, but rather implying "simple-minded enthusiasm, even self-delusion." He also cites Pelletier as saying that as Josephus uses the phrase, it implies no more than the subjective good faith of the listeners, "not necessarily the objective truth of what the speaker propounds." (ibid., 84)
He drew over to him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles.
This is also rendered, "He stirred up..." Either way would be acceptable as describing what Jesus did without supposing Christian interpolation or belief by Josephus. Indeed, the phrase seems to contradict the Gospels, which do not portray Jesus as dealing with "many" Gentiles. Meier [ibid., 65] regards this as a retrojection of the Gentile mission of Christianity.He was the Christ,
Big obvious honking no-no on this one, though some propose that the phrase here was like the one on the other passage, referring to Jesus as one who was "called" Christ.
and when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him;
For our comments on this section, please see this essay.
for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him.
Again, a very obvious boo-boo by the sneaky (?) interpolator -- though an alert reader has informed me that in the Arabic version, the first phase is preceded by the words "They reported..."
And the tribe of Christians so named from him are not extinct at this day.
The term "tribe" is a key here. Thackery saw this as a pejorative term for the Christians; Meier disagrees, for Josephus also uses it to describes the Jews, and Eusebius uses it to describe Christians. The phrase seems best regarded as an expression of surprise; i.e., "Those Christians are STILL here!" [ibid., 66] But it is no indication, either way, in favor of interpolation.
A worthwhile question, of course, is: how did these questionable phrases get into the body of the original text? Some suggest duplicity by Christian scribes, but it need not be so horrid. Much as certain people scribble "replies" in the margins of their books, so some scribe(s) perhaps added the questionable phrases as commentary - and then they were later carelessly incorporated into the text. [ibid., 79]
Objection: The passage is out of context. Josephus is discussing Jewish troubles, and the Testimonium is out of place. Without it the text of Josephus runs on in proper sequence. [Well.DidJ, 14; Well.JesL, 51; Drew.WH, 8-9]
This is a favorite objection, but it comes from people who obviously have not read very much of Josephus! As Thackery opined, Josephus was a "patchwork writer," one guilty of "inveterate sloppiness." [Meie.MarJ, 8] I can agree: As one with a background in language and literature, were I to give Josephus a grade for composition, it would be something around the level of a C-minus!
Even so, the "out of context" charge carries very little weight. An exposition by Mason will be helpful here. This is the outline of events under Pilate as given by Josephus [Maso.JosNT, 163-4 - using newer outline system for Josephus]:
18.35 Pilate arrives in Judea.
18.55-9 Pilate introduces imperial images in the Temple, causing a ruckus.
18.60-2 Pilate expropriates Temple funds to build an aqueduct.
18.63-4 The Testimonium appears.
18.65-80 An event set in Rome, not involving Pilate directly, having to do with the seduction of a follower of Isis in Rome.
18.81-4 An account of four Jewish scoundrels; also not directly involving Pilate.
18.85-7 An incident involving Pilate and some Samaritans.
18.88-9 Pilate gets the imperial boot.
As can be seen, this is by no means a set of connected events. Pilate has a role in all of them; but it is not even certain that Josephus is giving these events in chronological order.
Wells responds to the words of Thackery by noting that Josephus often uses phrases that indicate that he is aware that he is digressing:
"When a writer digresses, and confesses to doing so, this does not make him a 'patchwork' writer from whom we must expect any kind of irrelevancy."[Well.JesL, 51]
Wells is simply missing the point here. Confessions of digression indicate a "patchwork" writer who is conscious of his flaws in this regard. Nor may it be appropriately said that the reference to Jesus is "any kind of irrelevancy." If it was a significant event in the reign of Pilate, even in retrospect as it would be in this case, then it is quite relevant.
[Well.WhoW, 21; Well.JesL, 55] Even if the Josephus passages are genuine, they would be "too late to be of decisive importance."
This objection is senseless; it would cause us to have to trash a great deal of ancient history! As Harris points out [Harr.3Cruc, 26] our best references to the Emperor Tiberius (14-37 AD) come from historians who lived much later than he did (Tacitus, c. 115 AD; Suetonius, c. 120 AD; Dio Cassius, 230 AD), so this is hardly reason to dismiss Josephus' testimony concerning Jesus!
Objection: If this is an authentic reference, how is it that Josephus says nothing about the most important Christian belief about Jesus - his resurrection?
In fact, we may assert that Josephus does refer to this belief, albeit obliquely, when he indicates that those who loved Jesus at the first "did not forsake him" - indicating that they were in some way still devoted to Jesus himself, even after his death. Even so, this sort of objection presumes to know that there must have been a reason for Josephus to make a more direct mention, and no reason why he should not have, which is easy to assert but rather difficult to prove.
Josephus was writing to please the Roman establishment. Why would he make Pilate look like he had been duped or had done something incorrectly?
This is rather a silly objection! Elsewhere near this passage Josephus reports things that don't make Pilate smell very good, and he had no hesitation in reporting mistakes that the Romans made (i.e., the Roman soldier exposing his buttocks and making an "appropriate" sound to the crowd!). As long as he said nothing that made his CURRENT Roman patrons look goofy, I daresay he was going to be in good shape!
What do we learn about Jesus and or Christianity from this historian/writer?
Josephus ends up being a rich source for confirmation of the Gospel record:
Jesus had a brother named James, who was an important member of the church;
Jesus was a wise and virtuous man;
Jesus had disciples, both among the Jews and Gentiles. Although Meier regards the latter as retorjectory in nature, we may suggest that it is something that simply lacked emphasis in the Gospels.
Jesus was called "Christ" by some.
Jesus was a worker of surprising deeds - an allusion perhaps to miracle-working power.
Jesus was executed by Pilate by means of crucifixion.
His execution was prompted in part by the leaders among the Jews.
Christians were "named" from Him - which confirms Tacitus' own usage of the terminology.
Issue of note: Some discussion has attended the argument that the Testimonium is strongly paralleled by Luke's Emmaus road narrative. Not surprisingly, this data has been used to suggest that Luke copied Josephus, or vice versa, or to suggest a common source. I hope to look into this at a future date.
KGB

I don`t think a smart person could deny that his existance as there are archeaological finds that prove his existance.
ThiChi
Tacitus was a Roman historian writing early in the 2nd century A.D. His Annals provide us with a single reference to Jesus of considerable value. Rather frustratingly, much of his work has been lost, including a work which covers the years 29-32, where the trial of Jesus would have been had he recorded it. [Meie.MarJ, 89]
Here is a full quote of the cite of our concern, from Annals 15.44. Jesus and the Christians are mentioned in an account of how the Emperor Nero went after Christians in order to draw attention away from himself after Rome's fire of 64 AD:
But not all the relief that could come from man, not all the bounties that the prince could bestow, nor all the atonements which could be presented to the gods, availed to relieve Nero from the infamy of being believed to have ordered the conflagration, the fire of Rome. Hence to suppress the rumor, he falsely charged with the guilt, and punished Christians, who were hated for their enormities. Christus, the founder of the name, was put to death by Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judea in the reign of Tiberius: but the pernicious superstition, repressed for a time broke out again, not only through Judea, where the mischief originated, but through the city of Rome also, where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their center and become popular. Accordingly, an arrest was first made of all who pleaded guilty; then, upon their information, an immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind.
A survey of the literature indicates that this citation by Tacitus has not been given enough regard, having often been overshadowed by the citations in Josephus (see next entry). Respected Christian scholar R. T. France, for example, does not believe that the Tacitus passage provides sufficient independent testimony for the existence of Jesus [Franc.EvJ, 23] and agrees with G. A. Wells that the citation is of little value. It is unfortunate that France so readily agreed with Wells' assessment. An investigation into the methods and background of Tacitus, as reported by Tacitean scholars (whose works, incidentally, France does not consult), tells us that this is an extremely reliable reference to Jesus and for early Christianity.
Is this a genuine reference, or are there doubts about its veracity?
Very few would assert that this passage is a forgery [though see Cutn.JGMM, 111-2], for the evidence is strongly in favor of the genuineness of this passage. The passage is in perfect Tacitean style; it appears in every known copy of the Annals (although there are very few copies of it, and none dates earlier than the 11th century), and the anti-Christian tone is so strong that it is extremely unlikely that a Christian could have written it. (Indeed, the Tacitean polemic against Christianity is so strong that it was one of two things Tacitus was condemned for in the sixteenth century - the other being that he wrote in bad Latin! - [Dor.Tac, 149] , and it is even said that Spinoza liked Tacitus because of his anti-Jewish and anti-Christian bias! [Momig.CFou, 126] )
This is not to say that there are not those whom we may encounter who will suggest that this passage is an interpolation. Some will weakly suggest that because no church father quotes the passage early in church history, it must have been added later. No church father, however, would have willingly quoted such a negative reference to Jesus and the Christians; moreover, indications are that Tacitus wrote for a very limited audience of his peers. The Annals may not have gotten into the Church's hands at an early date. The idea that this passage is an interpolation is no more credible than the idea held in the 19th century that Tacitus' entire works are fifteenth-century forgeries!
Is this historian/writer a reliable source? Is there good reason to trust what they say?
The answer here is: Absolutely! The Tacitean literature is full of praise for the accuracy, care, critical capability, and trustworthiness of the work of Tacitus, and it is singularly unfortunate that many writers in this subject area have failed to appreciate this!
Let's look at a number of quotes from scholars in the Tacitean camp:
Syme, who was regarded as one of the foremost Tacitean scholars, says [Sym.Tac, 398] "the prime quality of Cornelius Tacitus is distrust. It was needed if a man were to write about the Caesars." He adds [ibid., 281, 282] that Tacitus "was no stranger to industrious investigation" and his "diligence was exemplary."
Chilver [Chilv.Tac, 24] indicates that "for Tacitus scepticism was inescapable is not to be doubted."
Martin [Mart.Tac, 211] , though noting difficulties about discerning Tacitus' exact sources, says that "It is clear, then, that Tacitus read widely and that the idea that he was an uncritical follower of a single source is quite untenable."
Grant [Gran.Grec, 40-3; see also Gran.Tac, 18] , while charging Tacitus with bias, error, and "unfair selectivity" in various areas (especially associated with the Emperor Tiberius), nevertheless agrees that Tacitus "was careful to contrast what had been handed down orally with the literary tradition." Elsewhere he notes that "There is no doubt that (Tacitus) took a great deal of care in selecting his material." [ibid., 20]
Dudley [Dud.Tac, 29] notes that despite problems in discerning what sources Tacitus used, "it may be said with some confidence that the view that Tacitus followed a single authority no longer commands support."
Mellor [Mell.Tac, 20, 45] observes that although he made use of other sources, including friends like Pliny, Tacitus "does not slavishly follow, as some of his Roman predecessors did, the vagaries of his sources." He adds (ibid., 31-2) that, "If research is the consultation and evaluation of sources, there can be little doubt that Tacitus engaged in serious research though it is not often apparent in the smooth flow of his narrative." Tacitus "consulted both obscure and obvious sources," and "distinguishes fact from rumor with a scrupulosity rare in any ancient historian."
Benario [Benar.Tac, 87] tells us that Tacitus "chose judiciously among his sources, totally dependent upon none, and very often, at crucial points, ignored the consensus of his predecessors to impose his own viewpoint and his own judgment."
Wellesley [Dor.Tac, 65-6] remarks that investigation "very seldom shows (Tacitus) to be false to fact" and that archaeology has shown that "only once or twice is Tacitus found guilty of a small slip." He adds: "When the sources differ and the truth is hard to decipher, (Tacitus) takes refuge in ambiguous language or the balance of alternative and sometimes spiteful variants," rather than doing original research to determine which option is the truth. We may note that there is no such ambiguous language in the Christus cite.
Finally, Momigliano[Momig.CFou, 111-2] , while pointing out that Tacitus was of course "not a researcher in the modern sense," nevertheless says that he was "a writer whose reliability cannot be seriously questioned." He cites only one possible major error by Tacitus, but puts it down to him relying on a trusted predecessor rather than official records.
We therefore conclude that there is every reason to trust Tacitus as reliable.
Tacitus may have borrowed his information of Jesus from Christians or from Pliny the Younger, or from some other secondhand source. It may not be reliable.
Overall, Tacitus' reliability as a historian counts against his having borrowed information uncritically from any source. Moreover, and as further support:
That Tacitus got his information from Christians is disproven by the negative tone of the reference.
That Tacitus got his information on Jesus, or some of it, from Pliny originally is quite possible: The two men were close friends. Tacitius sent his works to Pliny for criticism, and "he himself begged for the product of Pliny's pen." [Mende.Tac, 15] Tacitus also "turned to Pliny for first-hand material for his Histories" [ibid., 21], so he was not hesitant to use Pliny as a source. However, this does not mean that Tacitus accepted Pliny's information on Jesus, or on any topic, uncritically. Annals 15.53 indicates that Tacitus did collect some information from Pliny - and that he disputed it, and even considered it wholly absurd! Simply because Pliny was Tacitus' friend and confidant does not mean that he believed everything that Pliny told him!
More generally, let's look at how carefully Tacitus analyzed and sifted his sources, according to the Taciteans:
Mendell notes that in Annals 13, Tacitus quotes three divergent opinions from three different historians on a story involving Nero. [Mende.Tac, 208] He was concerned even about minor historical details in this regard. Mendell [ibid., 207] further notes Tacitus' citation of a fantastic story about one Drusus, "based only on persistent rumor, which (Tacitus) refutes by the application of logic." He writes: "In the Histories there are sixty-eight instances in which Tacitus indicates either a recorded statement or a belief on someone's part with regard to something which he himself is unwilling to assert as a fact; in other words, he cites divergent authority for some fact or motive." [ibid., 201] These instances "would seem to indicate a writer who had not only read what was written by historians...but had also talked with eye witnesses and considered with some care the probable truth where doubt or uncertainty existed...
"The sum total of the picture is clear. For the main narrative, Tacitius assumes the responsibility of the historian to get at the truth and present it. His guarantee was his own reputation. To make this narrative colorful and dramatic, he felt justified in introducing facts and motives which he might refute on logical grounds or leave uncontested but for which he did not personally vouch. There is no indication that he followed blindly the account of any predecessor." [ibid., 203-4] Mendell also notes that Tacitus was concerned for maintaining his integrity as a historian.
In the Annals, the work with the paragraph on Jesus, Mendell cites 30 instances where Tacitus uses specific phrases "to substantiate a statement or to present a statement for which he does not care to vouch." [ibid., 205] Mendell also notes that "In Books 11-16 of the Annals (the Jesus cite is in 15) Tacitus "concerns himself with the evidence and source references to a greater extent than in the earlier books." He relies on other historians, a bronze inscription (11.14), reports or memoirs (15.16), personal testimonies (15.73), and physical evidence (15.42). There are indications of searches for first-hand (15.41) and written (12.67, 13.17) evidence. [Mende.Tac, 207] Thus the cite on Jesus comes in the middle of one of Tacitus' most carefully-documented works.
In reporting a conspiracy of Piso to assassinate Nero, Tacitus acknowledges the difficulty of accurate knowledge of such conspiracies, indicates where his knowledge is uncertain, and does not use of one of Pliny's quotes as positive evidence because he considers it to be "wholly absurd." (15.53) [ibid., 209]
In short, Tacitus was a very careful historian - he would certainly not trust a source that he held in such disdain as he did Christians, and he would carefully check material that came to him, even from his friends.
Finally, let us add that there was no need for Tacitus to get his information from Pliny - he had plenty of Christians in his own province of Asia where he was governor, if not more Christians than Pliny, and he was probably aware of Trajan's edict concerning Christians, which we will discuss below.
Tacitus had no motive to investigate his information on Christ. He may have accepted information from Christians uncritically.
Wells suggests that Tacitus "was merely repeating what Christians were then saying" [Well.WhoW, 20] ; "was surely glad to accept from Christians their own view that Christianity was a recent religion, since the Roman authorities were prepared to tolerate only ancient cults," [Well.HistEv, 17; Well.JesL, 42] and "(t)he context of Tacitus' remarks itself suggests that he relied on Christian informants."
This, as we have noted above, would be completely out of character for Tacitus: Careful inquiry was indeed part of Tacitus' modus operandi. (Ironically, in reference to the fact that Tacitus does not even say in the passage where Pilate ruled, Wells says, "Tacitus cannot be expected to give the life history of every incidental character he mentions." - [Well.JEaC, 186] . Would that he applied that criteria to Jesus in such a way!) Moreover, we have clear evidence that Tacitus would not simply repeat what he was told by people whom he disliked: When reporting on the history and beliefs of the Jews, whom he despised as much as the Christians, it seems fairly obvious from the disparaging descriptions given that Tacitus was not inclined to consult the Jews' "own view" or even "Jewish informants." Certainly no Jew told Tacitus the horrible things he suggested about the origins of Judaism!
But in a more positive light, we can also find two possible additional reasons for Tacitus to have investigated Christianity carefully:
First, a likely cause for investigation erupted right in Tacitus' backyard, so to speak, in Rome c. 95 A.D. Emperor Domitian's niece Domatilla, and her husband Favius Clemens, were accused of "atheism," related to "being carried away into Jewish customs." Judaism of course was a recognized religion, so it is quite likely that the "Jewish custom" referred to is Christianity [Benk.PagRo, 15-16] . Here, then, was a perfect motive for Tacitus to investigate the movement historically: Some of Rome's highest-placed people seem to have joined the movement!
Second, Tacitus seems to have had an interest in "pretenders," notably those who claimed to have been risen from the dead! Bowersock [Luc.TacT, 5] notes that Tacitus offers an "exceptionally detailed account" of "an adventurer who claimed to be a resurrected Nero," and also offered two other similar stories. In light of this, Tacitus would probably have shown a rather strong interest in claims of some kind of "pretender" being raised from the dead, as was the case with Jesus. (As an added note, considering the trouble that Tacitus records was gone to in order to unmask these "pretenders," a persuasive case can be made for Roman investigation into the claims of Christianity. The fact that Tacitus does not report any sort of "debunking" of Christus is even more significant!)
Benko [Benk.PagRo, 16] summarizes by noting that Tacitus "was too good a historian not to look into the origin of the cult" once he had reason to look into it, and that reason is provided either by Domatilla (as Benko suggests), by Tacitus' special interest in "pretenders," or by the accusations of Nero concerning the fire. Tacitus would check his sources carefully, and this makes his reference to Jesus all the more valuable.
The issue now turns to the question: Where did Tacitus get his information of Jesus? There is really no way to tell. Ancient historians generally felt no obligation to reveal their sources. (Dudley [Dud.Tac, 28] writes in this regard: "...an ancient historian was under no obligation to give his sources in detail, nor even to mention them at all," and Grant [Gran.Tac, 20] adds that "systematic, careful references are a modern invention.") Tacitus could have gotten his information from the work of historians whom he trusted, and whose work is now lost to us. His information may have come from common knowledge. Suggestions have also been made that Tacitus got his information from Josephus, but this is rejected by Tacitean scholars: Mendell, for example, says that Tacitus "clearly knew nothing" about Josephus [Mende.Tac, 217 - see also Hada.FJos, 223] ). A common suggestion is that Tacitus got his information from Rome's imperial archives - perhaps from a letter or account written by Pilate. This leads to our next issue:
Tacitus would not have had permission to consult the imperial archives, and even if he did, it was not his regular practice to consult written documents.
Wells and others object that it is unlikely that Tacitus accessed official documents or had access to the imperial archives. Evangelical scholar Murray Harris writes that these records "were secret so that even the senate needed special permission to consult them (Tacitus, Hist. 4.40)" [Harr.GosP5, 352] . Does this thereby eliminate the possibility that Tacitus found out his information through this important source?
Both facets of this objection can be answered simultaneously. The imperial archives were indeed jealously guarded: In the cite noted by Harris from Tacitus' Histories, the Senate asks the Emperor Domitian for permission to consult the imperial archives - and Tacitus indicates that permission was granted! But what of Tacitus himself? Nothing from Tacitus' own works tell us anything about whether Tacitus himself needed special permission to consult the imperial archives. He does not tell us how difficult it was to get permission, or that he himself received (or did not receive) such permission, or how often he did get or needed to get access. However, a look at Tacitus' background suggest that if anyone would be able to get that very special permission to consult the imperial archives, Tacitus would be an excellent candidate! Consider the qualifications Tacitus enjoyed, according to Hutchins[Hutch.Tac, v] , Benario [Benar.Tac, 12-4, 19] , Grant [Gran.Tac, 7] , Dorey [Dor.Tac, 5-7] , and Mellor [Mell.Tac, 8-9] :
Tacitus was well-respected, a man who "won renown quickly," and "seemed of all the eminent men then active the most worthy of imitation." His reputation was such that in a letter of recommendation for a particular young man, Pliny indicates that being a friend of Tacitus is considered to be a sign of high quality. He won great fame as an orator, and progressed rapidly through the offices of Rome, ending up as proconsul of Asia, which was considered a "prestigious" office to hold, one of two "jewels in the administrative cursus under senatorial control" (the other being Africa). He was made a member of a body of priests "who had charge of the Sibylline books and many of the special festivals of the Roman state," at a time when this priestly body was "of the utmost importance." He reached the consulship, "Rome's highest office," in 97 A.D. - possibly having been nominated by Domitian prior to the latter's assassination.
His personal contacts were impressive as well: He married a daughter of Julius Agricola, the governor of Britain, whose biography he also wrote, and would have had to have had "the acquaintance of some of the foremost men of the state" for Agricola to have noticed him. Agricola himself was highly favored, having held office in Britain longer than any other governor there in spite of competition, possibly because of his extensive military success there. Tacitus may have advanced in part because of the influence of his father-in-law.
So it is safe to say that if anyone had access to the imperial archives, or would easily be able to get permission to see them, Tacitus had all the credentials to suspect that he would be able to do so! But beyond that, we may ask about the second facet of this objection: Is there any actual evidence that Tacitus consulted original documents generally, and governmental records specifically? Again, the answer is, absolutely! Tacitean scholars agree that the historian did indeed access governmental and public records, and did indeed consult original documents:
"Speeches of the emperor are discussed also in (Annals) 1.81, obviously as accessible. Of letters sent to Tiberius and of others attacking Nero and Agrippina he speaks (5.16 and 5.3) as though they might still be consulted. This is certainly true of the one to Tiberius." [Mende.Tac, 204] In Annals 15.74, Tacitus cites the records of the Roman Senate from Nero's time [ibid., 21] and cites Senate records elsewhere (5.4) [ibid., 212] The acta Senatus included letters from emperors, governors of provinces (like Pilate!), allies, and client kings.
Tacitus also probably made use of Rome's public libraries. [Dud.Tac, 28]
Tacitus also consulted the Acta Diurna, a daily public gazette (3.3, 12,24, 13.31, 16.22), and private journals and memoirs, which presumably "were preserved in large numbers, especially in the older aristocratic families." [Mende.Tac, 212]
Syme [Sym.Tac, 278] writes: "The straight path of inquiry leads to the archives of the Senate...the first hexad of Annales (which is not where the Jesus passage is) contains an abundance of information patently deriving from the official protocol, and only there to be discovered." Regarding an incident in Africa: "That Tacitus consulted the Senate archives is proved by the character of the material, by its distribution..." (ibid., 281) Relative to Book 4 of Tacitus' Historiae: "required constant access to the register of the Senate." (ibid.)
Mellor [Mell.Tac, 19-20] says of the Histories that Tacitus "used the records of the Senate for detailed accounts of speeches and debates..." as well as the works of earlier historians. He consulted "reminisces, biographies, autobiographies, letters, and speeches of the time, as well as...the Acts of the Senate." (ibid., 33) Mellor adds that Tacitus' "archival research is especially notable in the early books of the Annals" (not where the Jesus cite is) and may have been innovative for his time."
Benario [Benar.Tac, 80-7] highlights Tacitus' use of the works of previous historians (including some otherwise unknown to us), private records, the acta senatus, and the acta diurna. He observes that Tacitus, by his own accounting, was "heavily involved in research" and that he "sought out material which others, perhaps, had ignored or of which they were unaware."
Momigliano [Momig.CFou, 110-1] asserts that Tacitus made wide use of Senate records for the period of Domitian, and lesser use of them for the time from Tiberius to Titus; for that era, Momigliano tells us, Tacitus probably used the works of Senate historians more often.
So Wells is obviously not in agreement with Tacitean scholars on the matter of Tacitus' consultation of written documents, and thus it is worthwhile to ask where exactly he does get his information! His source, it turns out, is a scholar named Fabia. [Well.JEaC, 187] Who is Fabia? The Taciteans are familiar with the name: Mendell [Mende.Tac, 211] notes the work of Philippe Fabia from 1893, where he wrote of Tacitus: "Primary sources, documents, records, inscriptions, and the like...were rarely consulted." However, Mendell writes, "the conclusions (by Fabia) drawn are inconsistent with the reputation of Tacitus as evidenced by the letters of Pliny and with the impression given by Tacitus himself," who "not only states that he intends to compare various accounts, but constantly cites sources of information, even though he less frequently names the authority."
Syme notes further [Sym.Tac, 282] that the arguments of Fabia and those who agreed with him are based mostly on a single passage in Tacitus where he says that he was not able to give some information that should have been in the acta diurna. Hence, it was assumed by Fabia that he had no access to it! Syme points out that Tacitus gives an explanation for not being able to get the information, and "he deserves to be taken at his word." Wells has relied upon a badly outdated and highly incorrect source for his argument! It is salient to point out here again something that cannot be emphasized enough: This type of mistake is committed only by people working outside their field, as Wells is. Tacitean scholars have the breadth of judgment and background to know that Fabia is bogus; that Wells uses him as reliable source indicates Wells' radical unfamiliarity with the scholarship in Tacitean studies. Again, this cannot be overemphasized - the mark of a novice is their uncritical use of sources and methods within a discipline. Genuine scholars, with training and background in specialty, know how to use sources critically and keep the arguments and evidence in perspective!
Tacitus is a biased historian who often manipulated his data. His reference to Jesus may have been affected by this bias.
We note, of course, that all recorded history is biased and manipulated history, and we also note that there is no indication of any bias in the Jesus passage. Nevertheless, we consider it wise to explore this avenue. It shall be our aim to show that Tacitus' bias does not affect the reliability of the Jesus passage, nor indeed his reliability generally.
How is this matter to be formulated? Kraus and Woodman [KrWoo.LHn, 97, 100] serve as an example, charging Tacitus with bias and with both rhetorical and literary manipulation of material for his own purposes. (They do not, however, mention the Jesus passage at all.) Mellor [Mell.Tac, 7, 21] notes Tacitus' special contempt for the lower classes and his bias against Eastern religions, which he says "got the better of his judgement" causing him to think them "unworthy of the curiosity and research he lavished in court intrigues." Regarding Jews and Christians, Tacitus' bias was so great that he "accepted a hodge-podge of truth and falsehood with little critical analysis," including anti-Semitic cliches and a blending of Jewish beliefs. (ibid., 38)
Should this issue of bias be cause for concern? Not really, for two reasons. First, in spite of his bias, Tacitus is still sufficiently trustworthy. Second, there is no indication that Tacitus' bias had any effect on the Jesus reference. Indeed, if it would have had any influence, it would be the opposite of the sort required in order to devalue the reference! Let's look at some further relevant data:
Mellor (ibid., 39, 44) offers this counsel: "As we begin to analyze the distortions of Tacitus, we would do well to rein in our inclination to condemn the transparency of his political aims. All historians have prejudice and preconceptions; like a great forest or Mount Everest, it is simply easier to see them from afar." He adds that in spite of Tacitus' bias, "there is no evidence that he invented or suppressed the facts." He did not "change his details" to fit his reconstruction of the past, but rather engaged in selective interpretation - as indeed do all historical writers.
Benario [Benar.Tac, 148, 155, 157] , a more traditional scholar, likewise observes that bias is an inevitable part of any historical work. He notes Tacitus' bias against Tiberius, but also notes that Tacitus "is not being intentionally fraudulent; there is no instance of factual error in his works that can be ascribed to ulterior motives. In fact, most of the material available for rehabilitation of Tiberius's reputation in modern times comes from Tacitus's pages." Facts are still presented accurately, in spite of the bias. He adds that "(t)he information that Tacitus presents is almost invariably accurate," having been confirmed by archaeology, epigraphical evidence, and other authors.
Grant [Gran.Tac, 20] similarly records: "(Tacitus') interpretation of facts...whether unconsciously or through deliberate fervid intention, is often invidious, but the actual facts which he records are generally accurate - so accurate that they involuntarily contradict his sinister innuendoes." In other words, even when Tacitus was expressing bias, his inner scruples were such that he still would not report an inaccuracy!
Finally, we return to Mellor (ibid., 40) for this admonition: "(Tacitus') passionate opinions should not obscure the fact that he is the most accurate of all the Roman historians." If we throw out the Jesus reference on this basis, we must also throw out much else of what Tacitus has written, along with the works of all other Roman historians.
Our conclusions, then, are as follows: Tacitus' bias in general, and his bias against Eastern religions like Christianity particularly, is of the opposite sort that would be required to devalue the reference to Jesus. Again, when reporting on the history and beliefs of the Jews, Tacitus' bias led him to say things that were disparaging, which means that out of contempt for Christianity, he would have reported any rumor or indication that Jesus was a fiction, or had not really been sentenced to death. As it is, we have not even that much.
Tacitus' bias did not allow him to descend into wholesale fabrication. Even if it had, however, his biases would have led him, not to acknowledge Jesus' existence, but to deny it, or at the very least denigrate Jesus' importance. But this is not what we find in the Jesus passage in Annals.
Tacitus is in error because he refers to Pilate as a "procurator" when in reality Pilate was a prefect. This means that he is unreliable, or that he probably did not consult written documents.
This objection is also favored by Wells[Well.DidJ, 10; Well.HistEv, 16; Well.JesL, 42] However, as Chilton and Evans remark, "(t)his 'error' should not be taken as evidence that Tacitus' information is faulty." [ChilEv.Stud, 465] . Two reasons may be cited for this:
Evidence indicates that there was a certain fluidity in the usage of these terms.
Tacitus may have been anachronizing on purpose.
We should first consider the difference between these two titles. A procurator, as the word implies, was a financial administrator who acted as the emperor's personal agent. A prefect was a military official.
What evidence is there for the easy interchange of these terms? Meier notes [Meie.MarJ, 100] that in a "backwater province" like Judea, there was probably not much difference between the two roles. This assertion is backed up by literary evidence. Philo and Josephus were not consistent in the usage of the terms either: Josephus calls Pilate a "procurator" in Antiquities 18.5.6, the story about Pilate bringing images into Jerusalem. (It has not been suggested, but we may wonder if, in a backwater like Judea, Pilate may have held both titles!) In practical terms, "both the procurators and prefects in Judea had the power to execute criminals who were not Roman citizens." [VanV.JONT, 48] Practically, in this context, "A difference that is no difference, is no difference." (For what it is worth, the Secular Web's Richard Carrier has now stated: "It seems evident from all the source material available that the post was always a prefecture, and also a procuratorship. Pilate was almost certainly holding both posts simultaneously, a practice that was likely established from the start when Judaea was annexed in 6 A.D. And since it is more insulting (to an elitist like Tacitus and his readers) to be a procurator, and even more insulting to be executed by one, it is likely Tacitus chose that office out of his well-known sense of malicious wit. Tacitus was also a routine employer of variatio, deliberately seeking nonstandard ways of saying things (it is one of several markers of Tacitean style). So there is nothing unusual about his choice here."
Tacitus may have used an anachronistic term for his own reasons. The first reason may have been to avoid confusion. Sanders [Sand.HistF, 23] cites inscriptional evidence that the position held by Pilate was called "prefect " in 6-41 A.D., but "procurator" in the years 44-66, so he deduces that Tacitus was simply using the term with which his readers would be most familiar. (This is a far better point than we may realize: Being that Tacitus' readers were - like he had been - members of the Senate and holders of political office [Dor.Tac, 64] , we must suppose that this "error" escaped not only Tacitus' attention, but theirs as well! We may as well suggest that a United States Senate historian's error of the same rank would pass without comment!)
The second reason for this use of terminology may be deliberate anachronizing on Tacitus' part. Kraus and Woodman [KrWoo.LHn, 111] note that Tacitus often uses "archaizing, rare, or obsolete vocabulary" and also "avoids, varies, or 'misuses' technical terms." They do not cite the prefect/procurator issue specifically, but it is worth asking, in light of this comment, if the usage might not have been simply part of Tacitus' normal practice. (In fact, Harris [Harr.GosP5, 349] does indeed suggest a conscious [or unconscious] anachronizing.)
All of the above, therefore - along with the fact that this is not cited by Tactiean scholars as a problem - shows that there is certainly no grounds for charging Tacitus with error or degrading the reference to Jesus because of the alleged procurator/prefect mixup.
Tacitus refers to Jesus as "Christ" and not by a proper name. This means that he probably did not consult official records.
Wells also offers this objection. [Well.HistEv, 16-17] Like the above objection, however, it is not considered at all problematic by any Tacitean or other historian. Rather than find some deficiency in Tacitus because of this, it is more plausible to recognize that Tacitus would use the name with which his readers would be most familiar - and that would not necessarily be the name that Jesus was executed under. Furthermore, simply referring to "Jesus" would not explain how it is that Jesus' followers were named Christians; Van Voorst [VanV.JONT, 43ff] further makes the point that Tacitus is actually issuing a subtle corrective here! The text of the oldest manuscript, and most likely reading, spells "Christians" with an e ("Chrestians"). In naming "Christ," Tacitus "is correcting, in a way typical of his style of economy, the misunderstanding of the 'crowd' (vulgus) by stating that the 'founder of this name'...is Christus, not the common name given by the crowd, Chrestus...he calls attention by his somewhat unusual phrase to the nomen of the movement in order to link it directly--and correctly--to the name of Christ."
It should be further added that the NT itself tended towards the direction of using "Christ" as though it were a proper name, and that Tacitus (and Pliny as well) may be reflecting this. [VanV.JONT, 46]
[Well.JEaC, 188; Cutn.JGMM, 112] Tacitus refers to a "great multitude" of Christians at Rome. There would not be this many Christians in Rome at this early time.
This is rather an empty objection that merely assumes what it sets out to prove! Even so, what does Tacitus mean here by a "great multitude"? 50? 100? 500? Is it a relative term for, "a great multitude, in respect to the crime committed"? (I.e., if we arrested 50 people for holding up a corner gas station, does that seem like a "great multitude" to arrest for such a relatively minor crime?) There is simply no force behind this objection, for it lacks specificity.
In response to my material above, Jeff Lowder acknowledges the findings of Tacitean scholars concerning his reliability. But, he says, "there are exceptions to this rule. Michael Grant, quoting Tacitean scholar R. Mellor, notes that Tacitus occassionally reported stories which were false historically but were true in a literary sense or a moral sense." He also quotes Mellor as saying:
Besides relaying unverifiable rumors, Tacitus occasionally reported a rumor or report that he knew was false. When reporting Augustus's trip to be reconciled with his exiled grandson Agrippa, he alludes to a rumor that the emperor was killed by his wife Livia to prevent Agrippa's reinstatement... All the components of such a tale foreshadow the murder of Claudius by his wife Agrippina to allow her son Nero to succeed before the emperor reverted to his own son Brittanicus. Tacitus is content to use the rumors to besmirch by association Livia and Tiberius who, whatever their failings, never displayed the deranged malice of an Agrippina and a Nero. It is good literature but it can be irresponsible history.
From this Lowder concludes that "(t)here is good reason to believe that Tacitus' reference to 'Christus' could very well be another one of the exceptions to Tacitus' general trend of careful, skeptical use of sources. The context of the reference was simply to explain the origin of the term 'Christians,' which was in turn made in the context of documenting Nero's vices. Tacitus thus refers to 'Christus' in the context of a moral attack on Nero. (Remember that according to Michael Grant, this is the very type of story in which Tacitus might be willing to repeat unhistorical information.)"
I have already noted that Tacitus' scruples and concern for accuracy were such that he always indicated when he reported rumors as such, and the Livia/Agrippa story is no exception. The story in question, from the first book of the Annals, is clearly reported by Tacitus as a rumor. He was consistent in discerning rumor from fact--as I noted from a Tacitean scholar, he did this with the sort of scruples rare in an ancient historian.
Mellor says that this is "good literature but it can be irresponsible history." This is correct: And it actually becomes irresponsible when rumor is reported as fact rather than as rumor. Tacitus didn't take that extra step that many of his fellow writers did. And the evidence indicates that he always made sure he reported rumor as rumor. There is no indication, as I have noted, of such qualification in the Christus cite. I am bewildered by Lowder's assertion that the context of a moral attack on Nero indicates a type of story in which Tacitus would repeat unhistorical information. Since nearly everything Tacitus reports has a moral context, applying this criteria would mean having to ashcan almost all of Tacitus' work. I believe that Lowder's argument is not the product of careful thought, nor of a genuine understanding of what Mellor and Grant are actually saying.
I am also bewildered by Lowder's argument that "(u)nless it can be shown that Tacitus actually doubted the historicity of Jesus, Tacitus' professionalism and integrity are not even relevant as Tacitus would have had no motive for investigating the matter." Professionalism and integrity was one of Tacitus' most compelling motives for doing accurate history. He wrote his work for reading by his political peers--is it to be supposed that he would not take care to be accurate, in an era when prestige and honor were of utmost importance to those in power? I do not think so. Lowder's argument is again not a product of careful thought. Overall, his new arguments do nothing to refute or contradict the case presented here.
(1) Tacitus was "always" careful to identify when he was reporting rumors, yet the relevant passage does not contain such a qualification...Note that (1) is unknowable; if Tacitus reports a rumor without identifying it as such, we wouldn't know it.
Well, why not? So we are to assume based on non-evidence that Tacitus could be reporting rumors (or in this context, unconfirmed data would be a better term), even when he doesn't say he is, even when he is clearly in the habit of doing so? I am working within evidence here; Lowder is promulgating speculation without evidence for the sake of preserving a tenuous position. He does try harder, though:
Furthermore, given the incidental nature of Tacitus' reference to Christus, it seems perfectly understandable that Tacitus would not identify his statement as a rumor. According to Ronald Martin (Tacitus, 1981, pp. 208-9), Tacitus claims that it is "my intention to follow my sources where they are unanimous but where they have given different reports I will record them under their names" (Ann. 13.20) yet he often breaks even this promise.
I fail to see how the "incidental nature" of the reference has any relation to identification as rumor. Is there a proven pattern that the length of a reference by Tacitus directly corresponds to his proclivity to report (or not) whether something is a rumor? Beyond that, it seems that despite his earlier misuse of Lucian, Lowder still has not learned his lesson about reporting quotes from material in their context. Annals 13.20 contains a story of Nero which Tacitus reports using several different (and differing) sources, including Seneca, Fabius Rusticus, and Pliny. Because these sources often disagree, he tells us that it is his intention (he does not "promise" anything -- as Lowder apparently realizes now, since in the latest latest edition, he gets rid of this word) to record variations in reports, and as we know, intentions often go awry when dealing with a complexity of sources. Just how "badly" Tacitus "broke" this "promise" is a matter of discussion. Since a good deal of his source material is lost to us, it is debatable whether, and to what extent, he fulfilled his intentions. However, this quote refers only to one story in which Tacitus had multiple and conflicting sources and is therefore irrelevant to any other part of Tacitus' work, including Annals 15.44. Unless Lowder shows that there was a definite problem here, and that it was a bad habit that Tacitus picked up upon, and was a consistent problem in his work, he is again doing no more than throwing confetti in the air. (According to the Taciteans, as we have shown, this sort of problem is the glaring exception with Tacitus.)
In the latest latest edition, Lowder replied to the above:
Holding should compile a list of every source that Tacitus names in the Annals and Histories; if he did, he would discover that Tacitus almost never names his sources. According to Carrier, "We thus cannot know what he thought a 'rumor' was as opposed to a 'reliable' oral report."
I don't need such a list; I know well enough that neither Tacitus nor any ancient historian felt obliged to reveal sources. That is not the point, and the above does not answer my point at all. Carrier's comment is true as far as it goes, then -- Tacitus may have been misinformed, and thought that what was actually a "rumor," or an untruth, was a "reliable oral report." But I have shown that Tacitus was not so uncritical as to simply accept things blindly. If such a report fooled Tacitus, it fooled everyone -- in other words, we will have to posit a carefully-crafted conspiracy full of manufactured literary, testimonial, and other historical evidence. That of course is what Christ-mythers eventually must resort to -- and since Lowder isn't in that camp, we know that's not the direction he is heading, or wants to head!
In the latest latest edition, here's what else is said now:
Holding seems to assume that if Tacitus had not investigated the historicity of Jesus, Tacitus would have believed the historicity of Jesus was an unsubstantiated rumor. But why should anyone hold that assumption?
After the lessons of my personal interview with Josh McDowell, I would have thought that Lowder would have learned something about what someone "seems to assume," but apparently not. Actually, I assume no such thing; my most likely scenario is that Tacitus probably did assume that Jesus existed, but that he did investigation into some of Jesus' history (his death in Palestine, and the Christian movement) that would have revealed, in the course of investigation, that there was this little problem of there being no evidence that this Jesus character actually existed, and in fact evidence pointing to the contrary. To use Lowder's example of Mohammed, an investigator might begin by wondering how Mohammed managed to be so influential. He might want to look into how Mohammed led his forces. But to do so, there must be records and proof that Mohammed did these things, and if he didn't exist, then such records and proofs will be notably absent, or at the least fishy and contrived! They would be full of statements saying what Mohammed did and when. If a Muslim claimed that Mohammed led the Battle of Boogadoo and made all of its tactical planning, and all records, even Muslim ones, of the Battle of Boogadoo either do not mention him, or attribute his work to others, then we start wondering what's up -- as Tacitus would have. Thus in the process of investigating, one would uncover evidence leading to indications of non-existence. This is my true point, and thus the rest of what Lowder has to say re: why Tacitus would not identify this material as sourced in rumor (or unconfirmed data) is irrelevant. (It also puts paid to Lowder's pushback to a comment below on Benko, "Holding quibbles that Benko says Tacitus would have looked into the origin of Christianity, but that is not the same thing as investigating the historicity of Jesus." One simply cannot do the former without some confrontation with the latter!)
Thus, when Lowder goes on, in response to my points above:
Holding also attempts to dodge his burden of proof, when he asks for a "direct proof that Tacitus reported a rumor as a fact knowing that it was merely a rumor."
Actually, what I asked for (see below) is, "a direct proof that Tacitus reported a rumor as a fact knowing that it was merely a rumor and that it was a consistent habit of his". But that's a nitpick; here's the beef:
Remember that Holding is the one making a claim; Holding asserted that Tacitus "always" identifies rumors as such.
Yes, I did, and the indications are that Tacitus always did this -- I want to see an exception, and then I want to see that it is a consistent problem, not a surd in the pattern. And since Tacitus' care and accuracy are the recognized pattern, it is not I who is "making a claim" at all -- unless one can call recognizing a known and verified fact "making a claim."
Moreover, a moment's reflection will reveal the absurdity of Holding's request: if "Tacitus reported a rumor as a fact knowing that it was merely a rumor," we would have no way of knowing that. It is only when Tacitus identifies a rumor as such that we know a rumor was involved! Thus, at most we can only say that there are instances in which Tacitus identifies rumors as such. This tells us absolutely nothing about the number of instances in which Tacitus does not identify a rumor as such.
To which I say: Exactly my point. The data shows that Tacitus is 100% precise in distinguishing fact from rumor. Lowder has no contrary data -- all he has is (once again) a desire to beg an exception to the rule for the sake of keeping an argument afloat.
But even if Tacitus kept his promise, this shows that Tacitus would trust any source about the Christians and not mention that source, so long as no one contradicted that source. (And who would have contradicted a source which said that Christus was the founder of Christianity?)
This is truly a convoluted excuse to dismiss the testimony of Tacitus. So then: If Tacitus found nothing to contradict his sources, doesn't this mean that he investigated to see if there was any contradictory data? Couldn't this just as easily (indeed, more likely) to be taken to mean that the historicity of Jesus was so beyond question and clearly in evidence that one source was enough, or even no sources (i.e., that it was common knowledge)? Who would have contradicted such a source? In a collectivist society, anyone at all who didn't care for Christianity or for the Jews, and that included a substantial portion of the Roman Empire (see here for more details). Once again, the basis of argument is the blind stupidity of ancient peoples. Christian claims involved charges of serious action by the governor of a Roman province; if the governor of your state was accused of putting the leader of a local religious cult to death on a major religious holiday, and it was not public knowledge that this had been done, do you think it would be allowed to pass uncontested, especially in a hotbed of rebellion like Judaea?
And now Lowder calls upon Carrier to bail him out again:
As Richard Carrier told me in private correspondence, that Tacitus would not identify his statement as a rumor "would be so obvious to anyone widely familiar with ancient historiography in general that they would be astonished at the notion that one had to prove it!" Holding's error is certainly understandable; Holding is a librarian, not an ancient historian. Yet, given this, it appears that many of Holding's own words can be used against him. To paraphrase: "Holding is working outside of his field. Ancient historians have the breadth of judgment and background to know that Holding's argument is bogus; that Holding uses such an argument indicates Holding's radical unfamiliarity with ancient historiography in general."
That's nice, gents. So how about some proof beyond the generalities? How about a direct proof that Tacitus reported a rumor as a fact knowing that it was merely a rumor and that it was a consistent habit of his? Carrier's broad brush is good for the rah-rah, but it doesn't prove an iota, and is more polemic than response. If it's obvious, let's hear why, not just hear the word from the Peanut with the Ph. D. This humble librarian has certified historian sources who say that Tacitus "distinguishes fact from rumor with a scrupulosity rare in any ancient historian." If what Carrier is saying is "obvious" then it seems not to be obvious to any of the Taciteans that I have read -- and I have read a great many of them. Either get specific or get somewhere else.
(2)...since "nearly everything Tacitus reports has a moral context," consistent application of my criteria would force the historian to discard nearly all of Tacitus' work...As for (2), Holding misunderstood my objection. I did not write that Tacitus always repeated false information whenever he told a story in a moral context; rather, I stated that in such a situation Tacitus might be willing to do so. It was therefore completely wrongheaded for Holding to accuse me of misunderstanding Mellor and Grant.
All reeds and blather, gents: Might be, would...what the heck is the difference other than semantics? My point in reply remains the same regardless. There is no proof that Tacitus would or might or did do any such thing. Lowder is playing a cheap game of trying to obtain a polemical advantage of an argument while at the same time maintaining plausible deniability in case he later gets skewered.
Despite all of Holding's hand waving about Tacitean scholars, Holding is simply unable to produce a single Tacitean scholar who directly states that Tacitus probably investigated the historicity of Jesus.
Chances are we won't find any historian or Tacitean scholar who will say that Tacitus "probably investigated" the historicity of any single cite-area, because they think that readers are smart enough to know that a general proclivity to do such investigation covers the whole ball of wax. On the other hand, I did note earlier that "Benko [Benk.PagRo, 16] summarizes by noting that Tacitus "was too good a historian not to look into the origin of the cult" once he had reason to look into it, and that reason is provided either by Domatilla (as Benko suggests), by Tacitus' special interest in "pretenders," or by the accusations of Nero concerning the fire." Benko is not a Tacitean per se, but he is a Greco-Roman historian specialist. Does that count?
In contrast, as we've seen, one Tacitean scholar (Mellor) has directly contradicted Holding's speculation concerning Annals 15.44.
This is in reference to a quote Lowder pulls uncritically from Mellor (and with which I am familiar):
For a man who served as governor of Asia his knowledge of Jews and Christians is woefully (and unnecessarily) confused, since the Jewish historian Josephus lived in Rome and Tacitus's good friend Pliny knew something of the Christians. But Tacitus is contemptuous of all easterners--Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians alike--and he clearly thought them unworthy of the curiosity and research he lavished on court intrigues.
Actually, this contradicts nothing I have said. Mellor clearly means (as is obvious by his reference to the reports of court intrigue) that Tacitus would not take the time to do an in-depth report on these subjects: the bare bones information his readers needed would be enough. He would not, therefore, go into things like the teachings of Christianity, church leadership and organization, etc. This has no relevance to the question of whether he would ensure that his bare-bones information was accurate, and the issue of his professionalism and integrity would remain intact. Lowder goes on:
As far as Tacitus and his "political peers" would have been concerned, the fact that Tacitus did not investigate the historicity of Jesus would have been no strike against Tacitus' "prestige and honor." On the contrary, Tacitus still would have been considered to be exhibiting high standards of professionalism and integrity at the time he wrote!
Lowder's language is a bit vague here, so I asked earlier on this subject if it was meant to say that, "If Tacitus incorrectly reported something, that would not affect his prestige and honor, and in fact, would be considered to be 'exhibiting high standards of professionalism and integrity at the time he wrote'?" He clarifies now, in the latest, latest revision of his essay:
...(M)y point was that if Tacitus correctly reported an uncontroversial, incidental detail (like the historicity of Jesus) without conducting an investigation to verify the truth of that detail, that would have been no strike against Tacitus' reliability as a historian according to the standards of ancient historiography.
So apparently, the idea is that such a detail as the historicity Jesus would have been so trivial, that even if Tacitus just said, "Oh, bother, who needs to look into this?", it would not have mattered because ancient historiography didn't count such trivia as important to look into. In other words, despite his desire to deliver accurate reports in other areas (including having to do with trivial details on other subjects, I suppose?), despite that Christianity was fast becoming a significant nuisance and played a key role following the Neronian fire, enough so that Tacitus felt obliged to say something; just here, on the "incidental detail" of Jesus' existence (or rather, on the matter of founding details that would have, of necessity, confronted data that would have related to Jesus' existence), Tacitus decided to pass on checking things out, and no one found out, and no one cared. Let's try this again: If there had been no historical Jesus, there would have been -- without a doubt -- a "ripple" effect of accusation and argument centered on this subject. Had such a ripple effect existed, it would not have gone away quietly and without notice, especially not in a collectivist society; and one with the care and concern of Tacitus for accuracy would have noticed it. And if he had missed this effect, it would have been a strike against him, and made him a laughingstock before his peers (in an age, again, when honor and shame were the primary motivators); and someone who does such careless things once is enormously likely to do it again, and make more mistakes. Again, all that Lowder can do, and has done, is say, "Yes, we admit that Tacitus normally was accurate, normally checked things out, but this might be an exception!" I think it becomes clearer and clearer as we progress through these interchanges that what is at stake is not the reputation of Tacitus, but that of a modern person trying to keep an argument intact for the sake of making a point.
Indeed, I've also shown that Wilken--an ancient historian and a Christian familiar with the relevant passage--also denies that Tacitus was interested in Christianity.
This is in reference to this quote:
Christianity is not part of Tacitus's history. Except for the one reference in the Annales, he shows no interest in the new movement. When he adverts to Christians in the book it is not because he is interested in Christianity as such or aimed to inform his readers about the new religion, as, for example, he did in a lengthy discussion in another work, the Histories (5.1-13), but because he wished to make a point about the extent of Nero's vanity and the magnitude of his vices, and to display the crimes he committed against the Roman people
This is again no more than what I have said about Mellor: Tacitus was not interested in reporting details about Christianity, of course, but this has no relation to his capabilities and professionalism otherwise. Like Wells and others, Lowder is confusing quality and quantity.
Side note: It is worth noting that 1 Clement seems aware of the Neronian persecution. In his first letter, after speaking of Peter and Paul, he writes:
To these men who spent their lives in the practice of holiness, there is to be added a great multitude of the elect, who, having through envy endured many indignities and tortures, furnished. us with a most excellent example. Through envy, those women, the Danaids and Dircae, being persecuted, after they had suffered terrible and unspeakable torments, finished the course of their faith with stedfastness, and though weak in body, received a noble reward. Envy has alienated wives from their husbands, and changed that saying of our father Adam, "This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh." Envy and strife have overthrown great cities and rooted up mighty nations."
For more info go here.
What do we learn about Jesus and or Christianity from this historian/writer?
Tacitus turns out to be an extremely rich source of data that confirms important aspects of Christian history:
He regards "Christus" as the founder of the movement. This mitigates against ideas that Paul or some other person was the ideological head of Christianity.
He confirms the execution of Jesus under Pilate, during the reign of Tiberius.
He indicates that Jesus' death "checked" Christianity for a time. This would hint at the probability that Christianity was recognized to have had some status as a movement (albeit not under the name "Christianity") prior to the death of Jesus.
He identifies Judaea as the "source" of the movement. This mitigates against ideas that Christianity was designed piecemeal from pagan religious ideas.
He indicates that Christians in Rome in the mid-60s A.D. were dying for their faith. (We will look at the subject of martyrs as historical confirmation later in this chapter.)
rem

KGB,
I don`t think a smart person could deny that his existance as there are archeaological finds that prove his existance.
Please enlighten us. rem
drawcad_1

Since, the gospels were written after 70 CE and not by the people that are given credit for them (the gospel of Mathew was not written by the apostle Mathew etc.). Also, the gospel of Luke states that all of the information comes from second hand sources I do not see how the references made about Jesus could be given much respect. Paul never saw Jesus except in a heat induced delusional vision and was just writting down what he had heard or he felt was true about Jesus and most of his writtings are earlier than the Gospels.
To say that Jesus must be true, because other characters mentioned in the gospels are known to have exsisted would allow us to say that many characters in Greek mythology are also true. Many times fables are made up around actual events in world history.
If you include the quote from Josephus it is because you are grasping for straws and have not read any debates on the issue. He was not contemporary, the quote does not appear in earlier translations, he was a devout jew who called Jesus the Christ, he only gave the Christ a couple of sentences yet gave other messiahs whole chapters.
that all said and off of my chest. I do believe a man named Jesus was alive and might have provoked some of the writtings, but I do not think he was anywhere near what is portrayed in the Gospels.
peacefulpete

To Hooberus and Thi Chi...Matt 6:7..Do not say the same things over and over again..they imagine they will get a hearing for their use of many words. This endless cut and pasting is getting in the way of free exchange of ideas.
gumby

Well if he did exist........many of his words proved fruitless........or at least words that were......ATTRIBUTED to him.
1.) He said in Revelation..."look, I come quickly"......but he never came.
2.) He told his diciples " many of you will not taste death at all till you see the son come in his kingdom" ..........( most try and say the transfiguration proved this but it had nothing to do with coming in a kingdom. He sat down to eat with some oldtimers is all )
3.) He said any who put their trust in him would not taste death at all.
4.) Deliverance from sin and death was supposed to be accomplished at his death to all who believed in him. To this day...people who believe in him.........are still suffering and dying.
5.) He said he would come again and take his people to a place in his fathers house where their were many abodes ( mansions)
He said all these things but forgot to tell his followers......"don't expect any of these promises to happen anytime soon boys........first I'm going to allow 2000 or more years to pass before I make good on any of these sayings of mine".
Gumby
KGB

Gumby,
Maybe it was the second death he was talking about. The death that really matters. This death does not matter to those who believe because we know that the penalty for sin is death but the permanant death is the one we should fear.
gumby

Maybe it was the second death he was talking about

Perhaps, .....but if that were true.....he should have explained it to them that way as they always thought their deliverance was imminent.
Gumby

Did Jesus Christ exist at all?

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